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Thursday, 28 September 2017

The Great Warrior Queen: Maharani Durgavati of Gondwana


Maharani Durgavati was born on 5th October 1524 to the famous Rajput Chandel Emperor Keerat Rai. She was married to Daalpat Shah of Gond Dynasty in 1542. Soon after, she gave birth to a son who was named Vir Narayan. However, Daalpat Shah died in 1550 and the Queen decided to rule the kingdom as heir Vir Narayan was only five years old.
Rani Durgavati ably ruled over her Kingdom with the help of two ministers Adhar Kayastha and Man Thakur. She shifted her capital to Chauragarh in place of Singaurgarh as a strategic initiative, since the fort was situated in the Satpura hill range.
Now, the Malwa region had been captured by Sujat Khan who was succeeded by his son Bajbahadur in 1556 A.D. Now Bajbahadur decided to attack Rani Durgavati’s kingdom in a bid to expand his own territory. However, he was defeated by the Queen and sustained heavy losses in the battle. The decisive win helped spread Rani Durgavati’s name and fame across kingdoms.
In 1562, Malwa was annexed by Akbar and the region came to be ruled by Mughal General Khwaja Abdul Majid Asaf Khan. As a part of Akbar’s expansion plans, the Mughal forces planned to invade the kingdom of Rani Durgavati.
Rani Durgavati knew that her small army was vastly outnumbered by the Mughal forces and the Mughal soldiers were well trained and carried modern weapons. However she decided to go ahead and fight the battle rather than accepting defeat and live in dishonour.
The Rani with her army took up a defensive position near Narrai (Madhya Pradesh). The valley was guarded by hills on one side and the rivers Narmada and Gaur on the other side. Even though, the Mughal forces attacked from both sides of the valley the Rani with her small army fought valiantly. Her leading general Faujdar Arjun Das was killed in the battle and she began to lead the battle herself. Soon after the Mughal soldiers were forced to retreat from the valley. Rani Durgavati was keen to attack the Mughals during the night, thus giving them no chance to recover the losses and turn around. However, her generals advised her against the move.

The next morning the battle commenced again and this time the Mughals had managed to bring forth their heavy artillery during the cover of the night. Vir Narayan, fought bravely and led his army to push back the Mughal forces thrice. However, he was gravely injured during the course of the battle and was taken away from the field.
The Rani, riding her elephant Samran began to lead the battle. Even though she fought with all her might, her forces and weapons were greatly outnumbered by the Mughals. She sustained heavy injuries from two arrows during the battle.
Rani Durgavati realized that defeat was imminent and she was advised to escape the battle. However, she preferred death and took out her dagger and killed herself.

She is regarded as a martyr who died defending her kingdom from the Mughals. The day, 24th June 1564 is celebrated as Balidan Divas. In 1983, University of Jabalpur was renamed as Rani Durgawati Viswavidalaya by government of Madhya Pradesh in her honour. A postal stamp was also issued by the Indian Government commemorating her death, on 24 June 1988.

History of Lucknow

It is very interesting and draws a very indecisive balance between fortunate and unfortunate on part of any city, whose history of the recent centuries is so highly cherished that people do not wish to even know beyond it. Perhaps that’s the reason that not many noted historians ever took pain of peeping behind the glorious period and present the complete case at a go to those who are keen on knowing the documented history. For some, the myths are good to hear but do not feed the inquisitive minds that asks for evidence. Here I have tried to concisely compose the outlined events that lead us to the present through the documented account of our beloved city Lucknow. The study runs on the basis of evidences from earliest established civilizations through ages of Hindu Empires entering into foot-prints of arrivals of Muslims and finally landing into the history that is widely read.
The earliest probability of the civilization on the areas that today constitutes Lucknow  dates to archaeological excavations at the Hulaskhera mound, located on the banks of the Karela Lake in Mohanlalgung ‘tehseel’ which links the city to pre and proto historic times. The six meter high massive mounds cover an area of 80 acres and dates from prehistoric times to the Sunga-Kushar era. The finds also include hoard of silver coins belonging to the period of Vinayak Pal Deva of Kannauj (c.10thcentury AD) that were unearthed by the priest of Kalleshwari Devi Temple near the excavation site. According to the excavation experts and related scholars, the exercise yields archaeological remains of a civilization dating back to 1000 BC though not thoroughly supported by tangible evidences. The remains belong to a prosperous agricultural community that had structured buildings and developed civic system. The antiquarian remains include terracotta gamesmen and figurines, beads, shell beads and ivory bangles. It indicated towards an active socio-cultural environment during the 5th century BC or the period that may be referred as pre-Buddhist. The remains of the buildings indicate the use of concrete structures, belonging to the beginning of AD 400. A 20-metre long road across the Lake has also been encountered which seemed to connect two settlements on either side of the Lake.
The Kushan levels (c. 100 BC to AD 100), yielded number of silver coins and gold-coated glass beads reflects the prosperity of the inhabitants. The terracotta human figurines sporting beards and moustaches may be compared with the Kushan stone sculptures unearthed and stored in the Mathura Museum. Another interesting find includes a stamped gold plaque bearing the image of popular deity Kartikeya, wearing a head-dress with three jewels and holding a spear. The figurine bears testimony to the contact of Hulaskhera with places outside.
The historic phase (AD 40-900) provides evidence of large rooms being converted into smaller units. Even the terracotta figurines indicate a marked decline in the plastic arts. However, the evidence of a brick fort is notable for the remains of large housing complex, which may have been a community centre or a nobleman’s residence. During the early historic period, Lucknow of today and its neighborhood formed part of the once-celebrated Kosala Mahajanapad. In the accounts of Brahamanas and Jatakas, Kosala existed as a territory in the time of King Janaka of Mithila. This region was later included in the Mauryan and Kushan empires. Kushan antiquities including sculptures, large-sized bricks, terracotta and a coin were recovered from the neighborhood of present day Lucknow though no direct references are found in historical narratives and no archaeological findings are found to establish the ancient past of the said period.
Though most of the historical notes on Lucknow predominantly took place with the arrival of Muslims but it does not necessarily draw a conflict in any form on the historical significance of pre-Muslim era. It is both ethical and honest to highlight the said aspect as those who survive on the oxygen of controversies always try to grab the food for thought on such lines. One of the most striking incidents in the post-Pratihara period was the time that witnessed the arrival of Syed Salar Masud Ghazi who was the nephew of Mahmud of Ghazni and son of Syed Salar Sahoo Ghazi. His travels were aimed at publicizing the Islamic teachings but a section of history deals negatively with his character on the mindset mentioned above. Even though Lucknow was just one of the places on his journey that started from Delhi and ended at Bahraich in the year AD 1033, it left a greater impact on this soil as some of his associates are buried here, primarily at Peer Bukhara and Sohbatiya Bagh areas. These graves are still in existence and they mark the earliest footprints of Muslims in this area. The route he adopted from Delhi was via Meerut before reaching Kannauj from where he crossed the Ganges and going through the Navadevakula of Hieun Tsang, the famous Chinese traveler, he passed through Baari Thana, Asiwan, parts of Malihabad before reaching present day Lucknow and moving on to Satrikh where he stayed for a longer period, to be joined with his father. Other surrounding places that came under Muslim dominance during this period were Karra-Manikpur and Hardoi.
The city has been associated with Sultans of Delhi when they annexed to expand their empire and Sultan Iltutmish granted the aqta of Kasmandi and Mandiaon on Malik Tajuddin Sanjar, alias Tabar Khan. Through this assignment, the areas around the city became an integral part of the Sultanate of Delhi. It was the first instance the similar sounding name came into existence by ‘Alakhnau’ along with Avadh and Zafrabad when Muhammad Bin Tughlaq appointed Ainul Mulk as governor of the areas. Lucknow is referred to by the famous Moroccan traveler Ibn-Batuta in connection with the events, which occurred between 1338 and 1341. Delhi was in grip of severe famine, and it was Alakhnau, which supplied large quantities of food grains to the Sultan during his stay at Swargdwari (it was the capital town of Gaharwars, one of the five clans of the Rathore, and is currently the area of Qaimgunj tehseel of Farukkhabad district). Thus, the prosperous condition of Lucknow was responsible for the rebellion of Ainul-Mulk and his brothers, who were suppressed by Muhammad Bin Tughlaq with great difficulty.
In 1394, Khwaja-e-Jahan, the founder of Sharqi dynasty of Jaunpur, brought all the places between Jaunpur and Kannauj under his control. Lucknow became an important station under the Sharqis. Sultan Bahloul Lodi of Delhi annexed Lucknow to his kingdom in 1487-88 and assigned it, along with Kalpi, to his grandson Azam Humayun. It was during his time that a Brahman Lodhan publicly declared that both Islam and Hinduism were true religions, an incident which indicates the liberal outlook of the people of Lucknow, even at such an early date. His bold assertions at that time cost him his life but gave life to a couplet of Mohsin Kakorvi:

“Simt-e-Kaashi Se Chala Jaanib-e-Mathura Baadal
Barq Ke Kaandhay Pe Laayi Hai Saba Ganga-Jal”
During the reign of Sultan Sikander Lodi, Mubarak Khan succeeded Azam Humayun. Later, Ahmad Khan became the governor of Lucknow. He showed unprecedented favors towards Hindus and was accused of idolatry and renunciation of the faith, he was consequently dismissed and arrested on orders of Sultan Sikander Lodi in 1509, Saeed Khan succeeded him as governor of Lucknow.
Then came the brightest period in the history of India and particularly North India that marked the stepping up of the history of centuries to come. In the year 1526 after the battle of Panipat, Zahiruddin Mohammad Babur became the emperor after defeating Ibrahim Lodi. His son Humayun, a Royal prince at that time, occupied Lucknow in the same year. It felt to Afghans for a short period of time when Humayun was engaged with Rana Sanga, Babur reoccupied Lucknow in March 1528 and visited the town on March 21, 1529. Baburnama mentions that Babur crossed the river Gomti on his way to Faizabad and was impressed by its climate and flavors of rice. This fact indicates the political and strategic importance of the region. Lucknow continued to enjoy its affluence. After the empire slipped off the hands of Humayun in 1539, Isa Khan was appointed to restore law and order in the territories lying between Delhi and Lucknow. He also assigned Lucknow to a nobleman, Qadir Shah. Sher Shah raised the status of the city by establishing silver and copper mints at Lucknow for the first time. This was also the period when Humayun was facing in-house troubles from his own brother Kamran Mirza and brother-in-law Mirza Muhammad Zamaan etc. Upon crossing the Ganges around Bilgram, some of the immediate members of Royal family decided to stay away from the ruling elite that was on the move and decided to settle down in the remote areas that are now in Unnao district. These people were directly the Timurid and Chagtai descendants and as per Baburnama and later on Akbarnama of Abul Fazl reports, it was against the wish of Babur as he insisted that Humayun should try his best to maintain peace and harmony with his brothers and close relatives, even if they make mistakes.
By the time Humayun reoccupied Delhi in 1546, Lucknow became a permanent part of the Mughal Empire despite frequent risings by the unruly and desperate Afghan chiefs in the area. During the rule of Akbar (1556-1605), Lucknow witnessed several administrative reforms of far-reaching consequences and it became the headquarters of a sarkar of the suba of Avadh. The copper mint unit was maintained and Akbar is said to have built several mohallas to the south of Chowk. Shahgunj and Mahmud Nagar were some of the earliest localities to have come up during that period.
It was during the peaceful reign of Akbar that Brahmans formed one of the principal sections of the population and the emperor was so well disposed towards them that he favored them with a lakh of rupees. Since then, the Bajpai Brahmans of Lucknow have been both famous and influential. Themohalla conferred upon the Bajpai’s was destroyed during the British rule.

The earliest known Mughal governor of Lucknow, appointed during the reign of Akbar was Husain Khan Tukriya in 1568. He was succeeded by Mahdi Qasim Khan, a mansabdar of four thousand, to whom Akbar gave Lucknow as tuyul. But shortly afterwards in 1572, Lucknow was bestowed on Sikandar Khan, a retired governor of Avadh who died the following year. It was then given to Khwaja Amiruddin Mahmud Khwaja Jahan, who was Wazir-e-Mustaqil of Hindustan, he passed away in 1574. During the closing year of Akbar’s reign Jawahar Khan was subedar of Avadh. His nayib was Qasim Mahmud of Bilgram under whose supervision the areas of Shahgunj and Mahmud Nagar were built along with Akbari Darwaza.
Thereafter, it was time for the Shaikzadas to gain the proximity to the Royal court via all the prevalent practices of the time reports Akbarnama. Abdur Rahim Bijnori used the relation of his friend Jamal Bakhtiyar’s sister to reach the Royal court and that impressed the emperor Akbar so much so that Shaikh Abdur Rahim was invited at one of the Royal gatherings at Sialkot. It was here in Sialkot in the year 1586 that in state of intoxication, Abdur Rahim stabbed himself that upset the emperor. After a period of 12 years in the year 1598, he paid another visit to the Royal court of Akbar and pacified the relations. It was a symbol of Akbar’s consideration towards the Shaikh that resulted in construction of Machchhi Bhavan and Panch Mahal at Lucknow. As per the Ain-e-Akbari and Ma’asirul Umara, Shaikh Abdur Rahim had married a Brahmin female by name of Kishna who carried the noble practices, maintained a garden, a sarai, acquired a number of villages and carried her works for nearly sixty years, even after the death of Shaikh, who was laid to rest at Nadal Mahal. Lucknow, she continued to have the influence of his descendants in line with their good relations with the ruling Royals at Delhi and continued to have periodical jagirs from later Mughals.
Abul Fazl in his Akbarnama has thrown light on rising importance of Lucknow by virtue of its climate and vegetation, it became a part of the sarkar of that time in the suba of Avadh. The development of Avadh continued unhampered during the time of Emperor Jahangir  (r. 1605-1627). Jahangir is reported to have visited Lucknow during lifetime of Akbar and founded Mirza Mandi to the west of Machchhi Bhavan. The European traveler De-Laet testifies to the fact that Lucknow was a thriving centre of trade, a Magnum Emporium in the reign of Jahangir. It was during these days, a French merchant obtained a permit for one-year to conduct commercial trade in the region. This trade amassed an immense fortune, part of which was used to build a mansion. Upon expiry of the permit, the said mansion was confiscated and given a name of Farangi Mahal as it was built by foreigners, known at that time as Farangis. This Farangi Mahal was later awarded to a learned family of Mulla Qutubuddin during the time of Aurangzeb and became a seat of Islamic teachings and scholars. Another feather to Lucknow, as per Tuzuk-e-Jahangiri was the allotment of lands in the adjoining areas of Lucknow to those who belonged to the members of Timurid & Chagtai descent and had reached the area in the early days with Babur & Humayun. Primarily, these people belong to the families of those neutral members who left the Royal camp during the unrest between Humayun,  his brothers and immediate family members.
With the passage of time, the rule of Jahangir came to an end and Emperor Shahjahan (r. 1627-1658) came to the throne of Delhi. He appointed Sultan Ali Shah Quli Khan as governor of Avadh. Quli Khan’s sons, Mirza Fazil and Mirza Mansur founded Fazil Nagar and Mansur Nagar to the south-west of Akbari Darwaza. Subsequently, the governorship of Avadh came to Mutamad Khan Muhammad Sharif whose brother Muhammad Ashraf built magnificent buildings and founded the areas of Ashrafabad towards the south of Shahgunj and Musharrafabad or Naubasta (new locality). These areas were thickly populated by distinguished Brahmins, Kayasths and other families. He laid out a garden and as per the chronogram on the gates of this garden, it was named as Bustan-e-Dostaan (garden of friends). Another noble, Peer Khan founded the area of Garhi Peer Khan to the west of the city.
Saiyid Nizam Murtaza Khan, son of famous Sadr Jahan of Pihani was also appointed Faujdar of Lucknow by Shahjahan. The old copper mint continued to function during the reign of Shahjahan. The English factory records from 1646 to 1654 show that English factors at the time were doing brisk business in sugar, indigo and calico at Lucknow. Cloth were bleached at Lucknow and then forwarded to important trade centers in India.
Emperor Aurangzeb is reported to have visited Lucknow and ordered the construction of the impressive mosque on the higher bank of river Gomti. A contemporary scholar and Islamic saint, Shaikh Pir Muhammad of Jaunpur lies buried in a square tomb to the north-east of the mosque. His learning and piety attracted large numbers of students and scholars from different parts of the country and his manuscripts are preserved in the Rampur Raza Library. The school founded by him remained a center of learning for about a century after his death in 1668.
During the reign of Aurangzeb, the noted governors were Irij Khan and then Jamal Khan. After Aurangzeb died in 1707, the Mughal Empire that had only six emperors in nearly 180 years, witnessed as many as eleven rulers in next 150 years to come. During the reign of Muhammad Shah, Girdhar Nagar, the son of Daya Bahadur became the subedar of Avadh. He was the nephew of Chhabila Ram Nagar, the governor of Allahabad. The wife of Girdhar Nagar founded the area of Rani Katra to the east of Daulat Gung.
By the year 1722, Muhammad Shah appointed Burhan-ul-Mulk Sa’adat Khan as the Nayib of Avadh that laid the foundation of Nawabi for 125 years to come.
Upon deputation by the Mughal Ruler Mohammad Shah, Sa’dat Khan was appointed the Nayib for the province of Avadh.
List of the Nawabs of Avadh with their titles and period
1- Wazeer ul Mulk
     Burhan-ul-Mulk Meer Muhammad Ameen Musawi Sa’adat Khan      1722-1739
2- Subedar Nawab
     Abul Mansur Muhammad Muqeem Khan Safdarjung     1739-1748
     Nawab Wazir ul Mumalik     1748-1754

3- Subedaar Nawab
     Jalaluddin Shuja’a ud daula Hyder  1754-1762
     Nawab Wazir ul Mumalik      1762-1775

 4- Nawab Wazir ul Mumalik
     Asif ud daula Muhammad Yahia Amani      1775-1797
5- Nawab Wazir ul Mumalik
     Mirza Wazir Ali     1797-1798
6- Nawab Wazir ul Mumalik
     Yameen ud daula Naazim ul Mulk Sa’adat Ali Khan II     1798-1814
7- Nawab Wazir ul Mumalik
     Ghazi ud din Rafa’a ud daula Abul Muzaffar Hyder Khan     1814-1818
     Badshah-e-Avadh Shah-e-Zaman     1818-1827
8- Badshah-e-Avadh Shah-e-Zaman
     Naseer ud din Hyder Sulaiman Jaah     1827-1837
9- Badshah-e-Avadh Shah-e-Zaman
     Moin ud din Abul Fateh Muhammad Ali Shah      1837-1842
10- Badshah-e-Avadh Shah-e-Zaman
     Naasir ud daula Amjad Ali Shah Suraiyyah Jaah     1842-1847
11- Badshah-e-Avadh Shah-e-Zaman
     Naasir ud din Abul Mansoor Muhammad Wajid Ali Shah      1847-1856

 On February 05, 1856, the King was deposed and Avadh was incorporated into British Empire. However, the rebellion had taken place at Lucknow and Berjis Qadr declared his rule that continued till March 08, 1858.

Once Lucknow as a part of Avadh was incorporated into British rule, it got under the control of officers as follows:

 Chief Commissioners of Oudh (1856 – 1877)

Maj. Gen. Sir James Outram                        Feb 01, 1856 – May 08, 1856

Colville Coverly Jackson                             May 08, 1856 – Mar 21, 1857

Maj. Gen Sir Henry Montgomery Lawrence     Mar 21, 1857 – Jul 05, 1857

Maj. John Sherbroke Banks                         Jul 05, 1857 – Sep 11, 1857

Lt. Gen. Sir James Outram                          Sep 11, 1857 – Apr 03, 1858

Robert Montgomery                                   Apr 03, 1858 – Feb 15, 1859

Charles John Wingfield                               Feb 15, 1859 – Apr 20, 1860

Lt. Col. Lousada Barrow                             Apr 20, 1860 – Apr 04, 1861

George Udny Yule                                     Apr 04, 1861 – Aug 26, 1865

Richard Hutton Davies                               Aug 26, 1865 – Mar 17, 1866

Sir John Strachey                                     Mar 17, 1866 – May 24, 1868

R.H. Davies                                              May 24, 1868 – Jan 18, 1871

Maj. Gen. Lousada Barrow                          Jan 18, 1871 – Apr 20, 1871

Sir George Couper                                     Apr 20, 1871 – Mar 15, 1875

John Forbes David Inglis                             Mar 15, 1875 – Feb 15, 1877



Lieutenant Governors of the North-Western Provinces and Chief Commissioners of Oudh (1877–1902)





Sir George Ebenezer Wilson Couper            Feb 15, 1877 - Apr 17, 1882

Sir Alfred Comyn Lyall                              Apr 17, 1882 – Nov 21, 1887

Sir Auckland Colvin                                 Nov 21, 1887 – Nov 28, 1892

Sir Charles Haukes Todd Crosthwaite          Nov 28, 1892 – Jan 09, 1895

Alan Cadell                                            Jan 09, 1895 – Nov 06, 1895

Sir Anthony Patrick MacDonnell                  Nov 06, 1895 – Nov 14, 1901

Sir James John Digges La Touche               Nov 14, 1901 – Mar 22, 1902



Lieutenant Governors of the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh (1902–1921)

Sir James John Digges La Touche                  Mar 22, 1902 – Jan 01, 1907

Sir John Prescott Hewett                             Jan 01, 1907 – Sep 15, 1912

Sir James Scorgie Meston                            Sep 15, 1912 – Feb 07, 1917

John Mitchell Holmes                                   Feb 07, 1917 – Feb 15, 1918

Sir Spencer Hartcourt Butler                         Feb 15, 1918 – Jan 03, 1921

 Governors of the United Provinces of British India (1921–1937)

Sir Spencer Hartcourt Butler                         Jan 03, 1921 – Dec 21, 1922

Sir William Sinclair Marris                              Dec 24, 1922 – Jan 14, 1927

Sir Alexander Phillips Muddiman                     Jun 14, 1927 – Jun 17, 1928

Sir William Malcom Hailey                              Aug 09, 1028 – Dec 06, 1934

Sir Harry Graham Haig                                  Dec 06, 1934 – Apr 01, 1937

 Governors of the United Provinces (1937–1947)

Sir Harry Graham Haig                                  Apr 01, 1937 – Dec 07, 1939

Sir Maurice Garnier Hallet                              Dec 07, 1939 – Dec 07, 1945

Sir Francis Verner Wylie                                Dec 07, 1945 – Aug 14, 1947


On Aug 15, 1947 India became independent of the British rule

History of Delhi

                                    
                                   Part 2 -Chauhan dynasty
The Rajput King Prithviraj III, popularly known as Prithviraj Chauhan, was the last Hindu King (before Hemu) to ascend upon the throne of Delhi. Prithviraj Chauhan was a bit smarter than his peers. He unified the Rajput forces under one banner, and against the Muslim invasions. He received the throne of Delhi from his maternal grandfather Anangpal      TomarII        in       1180.
Prithviraj renamed Lal Kot as ‘Rai Pithora’ and ruled most of the North West India including the states of Rajasthan, Haryana, parts of Uttar Pradesh, and Punjab. He defeated Muhammad Ghori, in the first battle of Tahrain. Dismissing the warnings of caution by his ministers, the chivalrous King pardoned and released Ghori. He was soon to regret it. Muhammad Ghori regrouped his forces and defeated Prithviraj at the second Battle of Tahrain in 1192 commencing the Muslim rule in India.

Prithviraj Chauhan was captured, blinded, and taken to Afghanistan. Although there isn’t any historical proof, many believe that Prithviraj killed Ghori by a ‘shabda-bhedi’ arrow- (i.e. firing solely guided by the sound of the target) and later stabbed himself. Fantasy readers would love to believe this version. Fan boys of Muhammad Ghori still vent out their anger by stabbing on the grave of Prithviraj Chauhan in Afghanistan.

History of Delhi

                              Part 1- Tomara dynasty
The origin of Tomaras is one such dispute. The Tomara dynasty claims to be the heirs to the Pandavas - sons of Pandu, and heroes of the epic Mahabharata. If we were to believe the legend, then Delhi was a just a new name given to the ancient kingdom of Indraprastha, and Tomaras began to rule in succession to the Pandavas.

To add to our confusion, there are other Hindu texts, which accredits the term ‘Delhi’ to myriads of other origins. For one, Delhi could either be traced back to the word 'Dhillika', or if we were to pick from Satyarth Prakash (1874) by Swami Dayanand, it was Raja Dhilu who founded ancient Delhi in 800 BC, and the term Dilli was derived from the king’s name. But sadly it isn’t supported by any older texts.

Going simply by archeology and making life easy for us, let's go by the premise that, the foundation of Delhi was laid by Anangpal Tomar in 736, as the capital of many villages in and around the Delhi, Haryana region. Stronghold of Tomaras, ‘Lal Kot’ - a fortified city in Mehrauli region was built by Anangpal Tomar II, to halt the raids by Mahmud of Ghazni. After the demise of Anangpal Tomar II, Prithviraj Chauhan, his maternal grandson and the then king of Ajmer, took control of Lal Kot. Whether Prithviraj Chauhan was a crowned heir, or he forcefully took the throne is still a debate.

Wednesday, 27 September 2017

Composite culture in Medieval India

Culturally medieval period marks the beginning of new stage in the growth of India's composite culture. It saw the introduction of new features in art and architecture of India and their diffusion to all parts of the country. The architecture that developed during this period was the result of the synthesis of the traditions of Central Asia and Persia with the pre-existing Indian styles. During the 15th and 16th centauries distinctive styles of art and architecture also developed in the regional kingdoms which had emerged with the disintegration of the Sultanate.
During this time notable advances were made in the development of languages and literature. Two new languages-Arabic and Persian became a part of India's linguistic heritage. Historical writings for the first time became an important component of Indian literature. Under the influence of Persian, new forms of literature such as the ghazal were introduced. The period saw two great religious movements. The Bhakti movement spread throughout the country.
It disapproved religious narrow-mindedness, superstitions and observance of formal rituals. The Bhakti saints condemned caste inequalities and laid stress on human brotherhood. The other was Sufi movement. The Sufis or the Muslim mystics preached the message of love and human brotherhood. These two movements played a leading role in combating religious exclusiveness and narrow -mindedness and in bringing the people of all communities together. Sikhism began to emerge as a new religion based on the teachings of Guru Nanak and other saints. The growth of a composite culture reached its highest point under the Great Mughals in the 16th and 17th centuries.

The Mughals built an empire which once again brought about the political unification of a large part of the country. Akbar the greatest Mughal Emperor followed the policy of Sulhkul (peace with all). Some of the finest specimen of Indian architecture and literature belong to this period. A new significant art form was painting which flourished under the patronage of the Mughal court. Influenced by the Persian traditions the Mughal painting developed into a distinct Indian style. It later spread to other parts of the country in various regional styles. Another significant development was the emergence of a new language Urdu which became the lingua franca of the people of the towns in many parts of the country.

Justice Party fuelled success of Dravidian movement

The party among its many reforms pioneered caste-based quotas in the 1920s and abolished the Devadasi system in TN
The results of the Tamil Nadu assembly election show that the Dravidian movement’s roots are strong as ever in the state. In many ways, the movement’s political and social priorities can be traced directly to the Justice Party.
On October 26 1926, Periyar’s ‘Kudi Arasu’ pointed at one of the seminal objectives and achievements of the Justice party which had been in power under the dyarchy from 1920 to 1925 twice -their quest to take education to the villager’s door and orient him “to the necessity of literacy .“ Rightly understanding that education was the key to social mobility the Justice ministries began chipping away at the historical and religious mindset that stood between the 97% majority in the Madras Presidency and education. Thanks to their work, learning would no more be the prerogative of the few.
Schooling was made free and compulsory for children from 5-12 and parents who withdrew their wards faced penalty. In Malabar, 37 schools for children of fisher folk were set up. Also, in 1920, the Justice Party pioneered free breakfast in a corporation preparatory school later extending it to four other schools till 1925 when paucity of funds saw an end to the avant garde meal scheme and a consequent drop in school enrollment. Additionally , free education was provided for girls above eighth standard initially in the district of Madras and by 1925 to 18 of the 20 districts. In 1968 the government made education free up to the pre-university level and later by the mid-1970s up to the first college degree.
When it came to western medicine believe it or not entrance to medical colleges required proficiency in Sanskrit. Yes Sanskrit and not Latin or Greek, which abound in medical terms. When the Justicites won the fight to do away with this, they opened the doors to many who could have otherwise never dreamt of becoming medical doctors and much more. One such was Dr Muthulakshmi Reddy , the first woman physician and legislator in 1926 and deputy speaker of the legislature in 1927. As early as 1921 the Justicites had turned Madras the first British province in India to provide women’s suffrage. The Raja of Panagal had reminded on that occasion that some 900 years ago women had held positions in administrative committees in the Chola era. In 1922 the Justicites legislated to term those who fell outside the pale of caste as Adi Dravidas, the predecessor of the Dravidas. The party was also responsible for doing away with the degrading Devadasi system.
The Justice Party was known for its governance and bespoke decentralisation and federalism. Its ministry spurred industrial growth. The ministry provided loans to farmers by substituting ‘indebtedness’ for ‘distress in the Agriculturists’ Loans Amendment Act.
In 1926 the Justicites passed the Hindu Religious Endowments Act in the face of much opposition. The idea was that temple property and revenue should serve the entire community and not just a private few. It was done with much tact as the Raja of Panagal took N Gopalaswami Iyengar of the provincial civil service and later a central minister as an `expert member’ to assist the passage of the bill. T Sadasiva Iyer, a retired judge of the Madras high court became the first president of the Hindu religious endowments board to assuage the sentiments of the Hindu religious. In 1989 the successor Dravidian party government set up a committee led by pontiff Kunrakudi Adigalar to suggest ways on better temple administration.

In 1921 and 1922 the Justice ministry extended the principle of communal representation in the services and promotions, in simpler terms reservation as we understand it today spearheading a social revolution. Earlier the Justices had legislated the use of public facilities like roads and wells for Adi-Dravidas, appointed a labour commissioner to enforce non-discrimination, provided liberal aid to acquire lands for cultivation and occupation, free building sites, and much incentive for education. The irony is that the classist Justicites were rich and accomplished people in their own right but they set about to change the situation of the masses.

Administration during Feudalism in Early Medieval India

The kingdom was divided into a central region directly ruled by the king and many areas or fiefs were governed by feudal lords. The central region was divided into bhuktis or rashtras which were under viceroys, vishayas under vishayapatis and finally villages under grama patis. The village self-government weakened during this period due to the domination of the feudal chiefs while at the same time it was best under the Cholas in the south India.
The army consisted of royal retainers or the personal army of the king and the contingents supplied by feudal lords. This was the main reason for the lack of unity in the armies of the rulers of this period. The military service became the monopoly of Rajputs. Taxation during this period was heavier compared to earlier times. This was mainly due to heavy expenditure over the royal household and the court. There was also fighting all around for suzerainty. The burden was laid on the general public.

There was no clear instructions for maintain justice. In the Bhuktis there was a dandanayaka who was in charge of justice, police and prison. There is no mention of any other officer. It is likely that most of the cases were settled by caste and village panchayats. Some feudal chiefs were government officers who were increasingly paid not in cash but by assigning to them revenue-bearing villages. Others were defeated kings and their supporters who continued to enjoy the revenues of limited areas. Some were tribal chiefs.Some of them were village chiefs who had dominated the entire region. There was a definite hierarchy among these chiefs. They constantly fought against each other for supremacy.

Society during Feudalism in Early Medieval India


The caste system formed the basis of the society as in earlier periods but now the kshatriyas and the Brahmins were given more privileges while more and more social and religious disabilities were placed on the sudras and other lower castes. A large number of sub castes such as potters, weavers, goldsmiths, musicians etc proliferated. They were classified as jatis now. Most of the workers were classified as untouchables. Women continued to be denied the right to education. The age of marriage for girls was further lowered. They were kept in seclusion and their lives were regulated by the male relations –fathers, brothers and husbands. The practice of sati seems to have spread widely and was made even obligatory at some places. The custom of sati was widespread in the higher castes.

The attitude of higher classes became very rigid. They tended to isolate themselves from all scientific thought. Buddhism almost disappeared from the land of its origin. There was a marked revival and expansion of Hindusim.There was a growing popularity of Shiva and Vishnu cults. A number of popular movements arose around the worship of these gods. In the eastern India, a new form of worship arose. This was the worship of Sakti or female creator of the universe.

Economy during the Feudalism in Early Medieval India


A very important development of the period was the rise of a self-sufficient village economy where production was according to the local requirements with little attempts at producing a surplus to be used for trade or exchange. This existing system led to accepting the standard of minimum production since the incentive to improve production was absent. As a result pressure on peasantry was increased and production stayed at a subsistence level only.
The subsistence economy of the village led to decline in trade. Trade was further hampered by the emergence of wide range of local weights and measures making long distance trade more difficult. The unstable political conditions and internal fighting in India only helped this process of decline in trade.

This decline in trade affected the growth of towns. In coastal areas and Bengal towns however prospered because they continued to trade with West Asia and South East Asia. The only prosperous class in north India during this period was feudal lords. But the surplus wealth was not invested in trade or craft production. It was on the other hand used for conspicuous consumption. The huge amounts were given to temples also thus attracting outsiders.



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MATATAG: Ancient India: Early Medieval India, Indian Feudalism and Alternative, ,Indian Feudalism,Feudalism in Ancient India,Essay on Feudalism in Ancient India,Early Medieval Period: Historiography and Debates, medieval india: society, culture and religion,A Social History of Early India,Feudal Social Formation in Early Medieval India,Interpreting Medieval India: Early medieval, Delhi Sultanate,Early Medieval Indian Society,Indian Feudalism,Land Grants and Its Impact on Agrarian Economy of Northern India,Early Indian Feudal Formation,Early Medieval India,The History of Early Medieval Northern India ,Medieval India: Important Previous Years' Questions with Solutions,The Decline of Coins in the Early Medieval India

Feudalism in Early Medievel India


Feudalism became an important feature of the political system of North India between 750 and 1200 AD. This was because the authority of the rulers had been limited in many ways. The ministers were appointed on the hereditary basis and became all powerful. There were numerous feudal chiefs who had ties with ruling class. In the local and central govt these feudal chiefs had special privileges and powers which no ruler could ignore. This also led to the limited authority of the kings. The rulers were under the obligation to rule according to holy Sastras and Smirtis could not enact or amend the laws at will. Thus rulers of this period were basically feudal lords with limited overall power.

 The basis of the sovereignty during this period was a mixture of Divine Right theory and contract theory. On the one hand the authors of treaties on polity regarded the ruler as an incarnation of Lord Vishnu. On the other hand they also held that it the people who conferred sovereignty on the ruler. So the natural duty of the ruler was to rule in the interests of the people while the duty of the people was to be loyal to him.
A king was usually succeeded by his elder son. If a king dies without an heir the kingdom passed to the head of next in king to the ruling dynasty. There was little scope for disputed succession in this period. The powers of the king were limited in practice due to privileges and prerogatives of the feudal lords. Since he had the theoretical ownership of all the lands, the feudal lords needed his recognition but then this prerogative of the kings was limited as the feudal lords had hereditary rights.
The king was helped in the administration by a council of ministers besides crown prince. The chief priest and the court astrologer were recruited from Brahmin while all over posts were held by feudal lords. They usually belonged to Kshatriya caste.Sudras or lower caste had no place in the political set up of the king.



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MATATAG: Ancient India: Early Medieval India, Indian Feudalism and Alternative, ,Indian Feudalism,Feudalism in Ancient India,Essay on Feudalism in Ancient India,Early Medieval Period: Historiography and Debates, medieval india: society, culture and religion,A Social History of Early India,Feudal Social Formation in Early Medieval India,Interpreting Medieval India: Early medieval, Delhi Sultanate,Early Medieval Indian Society,Indian Feudalism,Land Grants and Its Impact on Agrarian Economy of Northern India,Early Indian Feudal Formation,Early Medieval India,The History of Early Medieval Northern India ,Medieval India: Important Previous Years' Questions with Solutions,The Decline of Coins in the Early Medieval India

Iqtadari System

Iqtadari System was a combined mechanism of expropriating tax and distribution of these revenues to the ruling class. It was a kind of territorial assignment which was guided by three factors-
Collection of revenue,
Maintenance of army
Maintenance of the traditional system in order to prevent any untoward reaction.
The term Iqtadari system was coined by Nizamul Mulk to maintain smooth administration of the Abbassid Empire. The sultans of Delhi Sultanate like Balban, Iltutmish , Allauddin Khilji  etc  effectively used the Iqtadari system for their centralization of power. The Iqtadari system did not confer any ownership in land and it was subject to transfer.
The iqtadar had two functions – to collect the revenues and distribution among the soldiers . It was a unique blend of expansion and consolidation.
The Iqtas were of 4 types:
Iqta- It was administrative cum military grants
Iqta-i-Tamlik- Iqta for collection of revenue
Iqta-i-Istighatal-An Iqta of stipends

Iqta-i-Waqf-Iqta for charitable purposes.

Thursday, 31 August 2017

Local Self-Government Institutions in India


The history of urbanization and urban governance in India dates back to the period of
the Indus Valley Civilization. Subsequent periods saw a major transformation in the
perception of urbanization and urban governance. In the pre-historic period, the origin and
rise of civilizations, identified as urbanization, were normally governed by the local
cultural process.
The concept of local self-government in India as an organized system of governance
emerged during the late seventeenth century with the setting up of the Municipal
Corporation of Madras by the East India Company in 1688. Subsequently, Mayor's Courts
were set up in the presidency towns of Madras, Bombay and Calcutta in 1720. This
followed the empowerment of the Governor-General in Council to appoint justices of
peace in the presidency towns in 1793 mainly to levy taxes on houses and lands to provide
sanitation in the towns. Efforts were made to further strengthen the municipal functions
through resolutions by Lord Mayo, the then Governor-General of India in 1870 and by
Lord Ripon in 1882, which approved non-official majorities in all municipalities and
replaced even the district collector by a non-official chairman. A Royal Commission on
Decentralization (1907), the Government of India Act, 1919, the Simon Commission
Report, 1925, and the Government of India Act, 1935 replacing the Government of India
Act, 1919, are a few important events during the British rule aiming at empowerment of
local self-governments in India. The Government of India Act, 1919, enlarged the scope
of taxation by local self-governments and introduced a dyarchical system of governance
empowering the provincial governments to control the local institutions through a minister. Local self-governments continued to function under the control of provincial
governments or the district administration.
Despite these developments, local government institutions in India as well as in Punjab
continued to function without any significant functional, jurisdictional and financial
autonomy. Whatever was done to empower the local bodies, exposed them to
administrative lapses due to the lack of administrative experience and shortage of funds.
Of late, the growth of the economic process in the form of rapid industrialization and
economic development including globalization, has led to the emergence of vibrant urban
centres in India. Mumbai, Calcutta, Chennai, Delhi, Hyderabad, Bangalore, Jaipur,
Ludhiana, and Amritsar to name a few. With different levels of economic development,
these urban centres have been categorized into different groups according to their
population and income levels. The trend of urbanization is in favour of larger towns and
the spatial/ribbon pattern of urbanization is creating demographic imbalances. Punjab is
no exception to this general national urbanization scenario. The existing concerns and
challenges of urbanization and local urban governance in Punjab owe a lot to the history
and growth of urbanization and urban governance at the national level.
Punjab is the fifth major urbanized state after Tamil Nadu, Maharashtra, Gujarat, and
Karnataka. How local self-governments meet the challenges of rapid urbanization and the
problems of housing, poverty, environment, infrastructure and services, will largely
determine the future of Punjab. But the history of urban local self-governments indicates
that they have not been empowered to meet the growing challenges of urban growth in the
state. No serious effort has been made during the last century to improve their capacity.
Some important strategies need to be developed to improve the capacity of local selfgovernment
institutions.
In Punjab, the municipalities have been organized into three categories, namely, nagar
panchayats for transitional areas, municipal councils for smaller urban areas (further
classified in to class A, class B, and class C municipalities on the basis of their population
and revenue generation capacity), and municipal corporations for the larger urban areas
with a population of three lakh or more and a minimum revenue generation capacity as
specified by the state government, from time to time by notification.
The Punjab Municipal Act, 1911, and the Punjab Municipal Corporation Act, 1976
govern the functioning of nagar panchayats, municipal councils and municipal
corporations respectively, which were amended in 1994, after the 74th Amendment to the
Constitution of India in 1992. But the Conformity Legislation of 1994 passed by the state
seems to be a verbatim incorporation of the amended Act and not much change is visible
in the functioning, power structure and the fiscal domain of urban local self-government
institutions of Punjab.
The Constitution of India inserted the subject of local self-government in the Seventh
Schedule, which gave autonomy to state governments to decide functional and fiscal jurisdictions of the local government institutions. Many initiatives such as the Local
Finance Enquiry Committee, 1951; the Taxation Enquiry Commission, 1955; the Rural
Urban Relations Committee, 1963; and the Committee on Augmentation of Resources of
Local Bodies, were taken in Punjab to have a close look at the problems of local
government institutions. The Seventh and the subsequent Finance Commissions, the
Planning Commission's Task Force on Housing, 1983 and the National Commission on
Urbanization, 1988, all statutory bodies set up by the Government of India, did not change
the destiny of local self-governments in the states, which continued to suffer from lack of
functional clarity and financial autonomy. The Punjab Municipal Corporation Act, 1976
did make an attempt to categorize specific functions of the municipal corporations under
two heads, obligatory functions and discretionary functions. However, the 74th
Amendment (1992), a landmark in the history of urban governance in India, prompted the
Punjab government to frame a comprehensive Municipal Bill in 1999, in place of the
earlier Municipal Acts. However, its implementation awaits approval of the central

government.

Monday, 28 August 2017

Overview of terrorist organizations

Before delving into the details of financing of terrorism, let us understand the various types of terrorist organizations and their need for funds. While perpetrators of terrorism can be classified in several ways, for the purpose of this section, we have classified them on basis of their affiliations, geographical spread and operational goals. The various categories of terrorist organizations overlap to describe a single terrorist organization and helps in identifying the motivation factor of these groups.


Non-state-supported terrorist groups: Such groups operate independently and receive no significant support from any government for intelligence, operations, and access to weapons, e.g., the Naxalites.
State-supported terrorist groups: These operate independently and receive the support of one or more government bodies for intelligence, operations, protection and access to various types of weapons.
International/Transnational terrorist groups: These have operations across the borders of their countries. They partner and work in collaboration with local/regional terrorist groups to share knowledge, plan and carry out terrorist activities on foreign soil.
Domestic terrorist groups: Such groups promote violence against the people and infrastructure in their own country. They may be provided operational support and weapons by international terrorist bodies.
Regional terrorist groups: The operations and influence of such groups are predominant in specific geographies. They may be regional affiliates of international terrorist organizations or independent entities.
Ideological terrorist groups: These groups attempt to impose their ideals on others. These ideals can be religious, political or dedicated to a particular cause such as anti- globalism, animal rights, ecology, and so on. Religious terrorist groups are motivated by religious ideologies and are most common. These perpetrator groups are dedicated to a religious cause. Terrorists associated with such organizations are trained, indoctrinated with religious teaching and even encouraged to sacrifice themselves for a religious cause. These perpetrators generally use terrorist tactics such as suicide bombing.

Economic terrorist groups: These aim to disrupt the economic stability of a country or region. 

Counterfeiting, Piracy & Smuggling - Growing threat to national security

Terrorism is a well-known problem that is prevailing around the world and poses an imminent threat to civilians, the industry and governments. Terrorist organizations may operate with different operational goals including regional, ideological or economic. However, to carry out their operations, they require large amounts of financing.
The costs incurred by terrorist organizations can be divided into direct and indirect costs. The direct costs incurred by terrorist organizations include those of materials used in attacks, e.g., explosives, vehicles, weapons, communication equipment, etc. The indirect costs incurred, which are usually much higher than direct ones, include those of running terrorist organisations, including recruitment, training, propagation of agenda, cost of inactive terrorist cells, etc. As per news and media reports during the past several decades and cases disclosed by law enforcement agencies, terrorist organizations raise funds from a wide range of sources, largely from state funding and donations and charities. However, in the past few decades, they have expanded their funding avenues and have been actively using counterfeiting, piracy and smuggling as means of funding their operations.
During the past few decades, leading intelligence and law-enforcement agencies around the world have found conclusive evidence of the increasing involvement of terrorism organizations in counterfeiting, piracy and smuggling activities to fund terrorist attacks. While several counterfeiting outfits are transferring portions of their proceeds to terrorist organizations, some of these are set up for the sole purpose of financing terrorism. Counterfeiting of drugs, luxury goods, cigarettes, etc., is a major source of contribution to funding extremist groups. Similarly, smuggling of goods is used by terrorist organizations to raise funds and launder proceeds from other businesses, and use these to finance terrorism. Investigations by law enforcement agencies the world over have revealed that smuggling of gold, cigarettes, oil, precious gems and stones, music and film DVDs, narcotic drugs, etc., are the major contributors to financing of terrorism.
As per the recent news reports, apart from their direct involvement in counterfeiting, piracy and smuggling to raise funds, terrorist organizations have increasingly begun to develop strong linkages with organized crime and mafia organizations to fund their operations. Given their vast network, it is easier for organised crime outfits to raise funds through counterfeiting, piracy and smuggling, which are then laundered to finance terrorist organizations.
India has taken several initiatives to curtail the menace of counterfeiting, piracy and smuggling, and its nexus with financing of terrorism. The Government has passed and enacted several laws and enforcement agencies have been enabled to detect and prevent counterfeiting, smuggling and financing of terrorism. Significant technological advancements have been made by the industry and the Government, which has implemented capacity-building measures to create awareness among consumers, industry and enforcement agencies to sensitize them about this menace.
FICCI’s Committee against Smuggling and Counterfeiting Activities Destroying the Economy (CASCADE) has released a landmark study in 2013 on the Socio-Economic Impact of Counterfeiting, Smuggling and Tax Evasion in India. The study also recommends concrete steps to be taken by the Government in order to curtail such activities. In addition to efforts made till now, it is essential for the Government and industry to collaborate on tackling the menace of counterfeiting, piracy and smuggling. Some effective measures could include:
 Setting up of government agencies that are solely responsible for preventing counterfeiting and piracy  Strengthening laws and regulations to aid enforcement agencies in investigating and prosecuting perpetrators of such crimes
Working on creation and implementation of standard technical solutions for anti-counterfeiting / piracy and smuggling to be adopted across industry sectors  

Creating awareness among consumers and enforcement agencies on the importance of effectively tackling counterfeiting, piracy and smuggling  This knowledge paper explores the dimensions of financing of terrorism through counterfeiting, piracy and smuggling. Due to the sensitivity of the topic, our analyses are presented from the qualitative point of view, based on secondary research carried out in the field.


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MATATAG: Emerging Challenges to Legitimate Business in the Borderless World,Counterfeiting & terrorism,Illicit Trade and Terrorism Financing,Counterfeiting, Piracy and Smuggling in India,Counterfeiting smuggling and piracy in india - Effects and Potential,Emerging Challenges to Legitimate ,usiness in the Borderless World,Smuggling, piracy hindering India's manufacturing growth,Counterfeiting, piracy and smuggling used to finance terror,Smuggling, counterfeiting & piracy are economic cancers

Internal Security – Need for Course Correction


India is on a surge; a great destiny awaits it. If there is one single factor that could negate or retard it, it will be its failure to govern itself. Ensuring safety and security of its people, upholding the rule of law, managing change with order and ensuring legitimacy of power by those who wield it shall be critical components of that governance. Should it fail to happen, history will once again lament India couldn’t do what it could.
In post war period, internal security has become primary source of degradation, destabilization and retardation of the states as against external aggression. More than 80% of the states during this period faced state failure, disintegration, break down of their political or constitutional systems consequented by internal conflicts and violence. The causative factors leading to internal security dysfunction ranged from political turmoils, sectarian violence, economic deprivation or social breakdowns. Significantly, while the internal fault lines provided the basic munition, the external factor often catalyzed the process to make it decisively unmanageable. Failure to address the external factor in internal security management made the states to lose their capacity to control the avalanche that initially appeared as a trickle. In the evolving security setting, the conventional law and order approach is increasingly proving to be grossly inadequate to meet the new generation Internal Security threats.
Management of Internal Security – New Realities:
India, in architecting its internal security doctrines, systems and policy needs to factor in the following:
  • Wars are increasingly proving to be cost ineffective instruments of achieving strategic and political objectives. With the emergence of Fourth Generation Warfare (4GW), a fight against an invisible enemy, hidden within the civil society, the consequences of wars can be highly unpredictable with no assured guarantee of success to the stronger. Defeat of Soviet Union by religious irregulars in Afghanistan, American experiencing in Vietnam, Iraq and Afghanistan, Pakistani army losing out to Shanti Bahini in Bangladesh etc. are illustrative of the limits of military power against Fourth Generation Warfare.
  • Civil society has become the battle grounds whose control is sought both by the violent anti state groups and the state. It has given rise to the doctrine of proxy war. Hostile states, to bleed their adversaries, are increasingly patronising armed groups operating in their enemy countries. It has opened a new window of opportunity to weaker powers to take on their more powerful adversaries in what we call as asymmetric warfare. In these, weaker states can bleed their more powerful adversaries through Covert Action (CA) at a low cost, in a sustained manner and claim deniability.
In the Indian context, Pakistan that harbours compulsive hostility against India but lacks the capability to achieve its political and strategic objectives, militarily or otherwise, has made CA as an instrument of its state policy. Pakistan has leveraged its geographical proximity, radical Islam, India’s soft governance, nuclear blackmail, military alliances etc. as tools to capitalize over India’s internal security vulnerabilities.
  • (a)Phenomenal up-gradation in capabilities, resources, international linkages and support bass of violent groups is another disturbing phenomenon. Countering them requires security infrastructure much beyond and complex than required for maintaining peace and order in civil society and enforcing the rule of law. With the emergence of large well armed and organized armed groups the states are facing erosion in their monopoly over coercive power. With the sophisticated weapons systems, modern communication equipments, huge financial resources, access to modern technology and support of rogue states, activities of these groups have placed internal security in a different orbit altogether.
In the Indian context, the Islamic terrorist groups not only are patronized and supported by Pakistan but maintain close nexus with gun runners, drug traffickers, organized crimes, hawala racketeers, currency counterfeiters etc.
  • Diminishing efficacy of conventional response policies and systems and inability of states to keep pace with them is another infirmity. The conventional response, particularly in liberal democracies, treats acts of violence (no matter how gruesome) as normal crimes, punishable through due process of law, and not as acts of war. This jurisprudence is heavily weighed in favour of the wrong doer and is practically inoperable against those who operate from foreign lands. Instruments of state, its laws, police, judicial systems and even militaries, find themselves grossly inadequate to prevent, protect and penalize the wrong doers.
Besides above, in India, soft governance, political factor and corruption have further eaten into the vitals of state power. Political factor has started casting its ominous shadow, both over enactment of right laws and their enforcement with full political will. The withdrawal of Prevention of Terrorist Activities Act (POTA), Centre’s reluctance to approve Special Acts against organized crimes in Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh etc. are illustrative of politicization of internal security management.
  • (a)Role of non state actors like the Media, Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs), think tanks, etc., have also added to complexity of the situation. Publicity is the oxygen of terrorism and media inadvertently plays in their hands by giving them undue coverage. As perception management is an important aspect of internal security management, ability of these groups to influence the public opinion, without any corresponding responsibility, only confounds the problem.
India: Slow to Transform
India is not unique in experiencing this paradigm shift. What singles it out is the fact that having paid the highest price in battling against terrorism, insurgencies etc. in terms of over 90,000 human lives lost and nearly 14,000 security personnel killed and huge drain on its scare financial resources; it has been the slowest, if at all, to change. Globally, the response has been swift and decisive while in India it has been delayed,half hearted and often lacking political will. The systems, doctrines, methodology, laws, empowerment and enablement of security apparatus have by and large remained unchanged. Within 48 hours of September 11 (9/11) strike, the US took the policy decision to revamp the whole system and bring in the huge new infrastructure, concepts and laws to create Department of Home Land Security and institution of Director National Intelligence. President Bush announced that “It values individual freedom but should it get in conflict with supreme national interest, the latter will prevail”. Instead of systematic improvements we merely resorted to quantitative response hoping that enhanced force level without change in training, systems, equipment etc would be sufficient to counter terrorism and fight insurgencies.
The expenditure on state police forces and central para military forces cumulatively have increased in last few years from Rs. 15,092 crores nearly to Rs. 26,000 crores, depicting an increase over 70%. In terrorist and insurgency affected areas 22% troops are tied on duties to protect themselves and other 45% on protecting the VIPs and vital installations. With 11% force personnel on leave and training reserves and 5% engaged on administrative duties; what is really left to mount field operations is less than 20%. For want of powerful laws, enhanced operational level intelligence, bold political decisions, lack of new strategic and tactical ideas, we have got entrapped in conventional stereotype of numerical response to internal security. The dogma of ‘time-tested methods’ has become a doctrine to resist change.
India’s internal security landscape in recent decades has undergone a paradigm shift. The conventional pattern of civil disorders, communal disturbances, social and economic turmoil, political conflicts etc. have seized to be the nation’s primary internal security concerns. They have been substituted by externally sponsored covert offensives by hostile powers targeting country’s internal fault lines to achieve their strategic objectives. While country’s democratic polity, economic growth, and social transformations are steadily bringing down conventional threats, except probably the Left Wing Extremism, the external factor has been an important catalytic factor in promoting terrorism, insurgencies, espionage, subversion, cyber space violations, currency counterfeiting, Hawala transactions, demographic invasion etc. India considering its Comprehensive National Power (CNP), has failed is politically and diplomatically leverage it to its best security advantage.
Jehadi Terrorism:- Kashmir and Beyond
Pakistan which, during the Afghan war through Western assistance, had acquired formidable covert capabilities, re-positioned the elaborate infrastructure to bleed and destabilize India through terrorism. It wanted to replicate Afghan model in Kashmir, hoping to make it a theatre of Jehad for all the Muslims and force India to a settlement acceptable to Pakistan. Though it failed to achieve this objective, over the years Jehadis have became integral part of Pakistan’s war-machine and a low cost instrument in its hands to bleed India. Pakistani researcher Sabina Ahmad in her report to International Crisis Group (ICG) calculated 11,500 Pakistani nationals having been killed in India in terrorist operations from 1990 to 2005. This is indicative of the scale and intensity of Pakistan sponsored Jehadi terrorism.
Growth of Jehadi forces, perceiving India as its target, both in India’s western and eastern neighbourhoods, is a serious security and ideological threat given India’s large indigenous Muslim population. While sizeable population of Afghanistan, Pakistan and Bangladesh has come under its spate, desperate attempts are being made to spread its tentacles within India. Superimposition of this exported variant of Islam constitutes a high potential long term threat for India and will have to be countered – ideologically, politically and physically.
Besides J&K, hundreds of Muslim youth drawn from other parts of the country have been trained and motivated for subversive activities in Pakistan. A large number of Pakistani youth trained by the ISI and disguised as Indians have been positioned as part of an intricately networked covert apparatus. Mushrooming of Madrassas and Islamic institutions in large numbers propagating an ideology of hate and exclusiveness, particularly in the border areas, is another disturbing trend. An imaginative policy initiative and counter measures would have to be taken to meet this threat.
The 26/11 terrorist action at Mumbai depicted a new order of lethality in Pakistan’s unabated covert offensive against India. For almost three decades, India has passively accepted such provocations. It has failed to retaliate in a proactive manner that could raise costs for Pakistan and compel it to roll back its anti-India terrorist infrastructure. India ceded the strategic and tactical initiative to Pakistan some three decades ago and needs a course correction before it poses an existentialist threat. India’s tolerance threshold should not be unrealistically raised in the backdrop of nuclear blackmail as Pakistan has its own vulnerabilities many times higher than India and in its strategic calculus it cannot ignore the threat that India can pose should the conflict grow beyond a point. India also needs to revisit its no first use nuclear doctrine.
Left Wing Extremism:
Left Wing Extremism has emerged as country’s most serious internal security challenge. After its cyclic rise and fall, it assumed serious proportions after 2004 when PWG and MCC, along with other splinter groups, merged together to form the CPI (Maoists). The spatial growth of the LWE thereafter has been meteoric and alarming. Maoists for furtherance of their political objective of seizing power through gun have exploited alienations caused by issues like denial of social and economic justice to deprived sections of society, large scale displacement of tribal populations by major hydro-electric projects and extensive mining in tribal areas. This has led to their influence rising from 53 Districts in 9 states in 2001, to nearly 203 Districts in 18 states by 2010. Among these the core of insurgency is focused in Chattisgarh (Abujmar Region) and Jharkhand with significant activity levels in Bihar, Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra and Orissa. The movement has been substantially militarised with 16,000 armed cadres, some 15,000 assorted weapons (including 900 AK-47 Rifles, 200 Light Machine Guns and locally fabricated Rocket Launchers), over 85 camps where they are able to impart training in tactics and field craft and strong financial back up to pay regular salaries to members of its so called ‘People’s Liberation Army’.
The Left Wing Extremism embodies many features that make the problem intractable. A large inaccessible and scantily governed terrain that is difficult to dominate or sanitize no matter what force levels are pumped is one major problem. Further, to their advantage, the Maoists have a large alienated population that has suffered decades of social and economic neglect and are easily susceptible to motivated propaganda of the Maoists who promise to establish an order that will deliver justice, freedom from exploitation, jobs and protection of their way of life. A corrupt and callous governance further makes the people an easy prey to Maoist propaganda. They are able exploit all local grievances and conflicts to gather support by promising different things to different people. It may range from exploiting caste conflicts in Bihar, resentment against land lords in Andhra, sentiment against forest laws and practices in tribal areas, unemployment among youth or Islamic sentiment among sections of Muslims telling them all that Maoism provided solutions to all their woes. Availability of large sums money to pay regular salaries; to their cadres in areas where there are large bodies of uneducated and unskilled who are not only unemployed but for most jobs unemployable.
However, they have some high vulnerabilities as well. Illustratively, like the most ideology driven movements, Left Wing Extremism is controlled by less than a dozen top kingpins and nearly 30 commanders of its armed cadre. They determine the political line, control the resources and design the strategy. The bulk of 16,000 odd armed cadres and many times more supporters are only gullible tribals and poor people misled by vicious propaganda, frightened by the gun or lured by the money. For the leaders, who live in conditions of safety and comfort, they are easily replaceable commodities. Neutralization of top leaders and activists in four decade long history of Left Extremism has invariably led to ideological dilution, dissensions, and demoralization giving a blow to their image of invincibility and surfacing of doubts about viability of the movement to achieve its goals through violence. At tactical level, it has led to struggle for leadership, disruption in sources of funding and abandonment of plans in the offing. Further, the questioning of top leaders has often provided strategic and tactical inputs which, when pursued imaginatively, substantially weakened the movement.
Devoid of its ideological plank the movement stands reduced to a problem of organized crime. A credible, focused and sustained psy-war offensive to expose the movement as anti-people will be hard for them to bear.
Money factor is another important element that is empowering the Left Wing Extremism to raise new cadres, procure weapons and expand their arc of influence. A freshly recruited youth is being paid rupees 2,000 to 2,500 per month, which in a poverty stricken area attracts many youth. It is estimated that the left wing extremist are able to collect nearly rupees 1200 crore a year, which is a huge money resource in tribal and backward areas. Maoists raise these funds through extortions, collections from corrupt government officials, protection money, levies on rich landlords, businessmen, contractors, transporters etc. Paradoxically, increase in government outlays for development activities in affected areas has strengthened them financially as enhanced outlays are not backed up by effective and accountable administrative machinery. Their dependency on funds is a vulnerability and it is possible to take series of steps to minimize if not totally eliminate it though strong administrative and legal actions against the fund providers.
North-East:
North East security discourse, of late, has been marked by good news of peace engagement with the rebels, improved security cooperation from Bangladesh, dissensions within insurgent groups etc. However, external factor in a region that has 5,215 kms contiguous international border with other countries and only about over 1% with the Indian main land though pivotal is being glossed over. External factor has and will continue to remain a vital factor in our management of North Eastern security.
China, with which India has uneasy security relationship, shares a border of nearly 1,561 kms with NE states. It also has a dubious track record of meddling with local insurgent groups till mid eighties. After a long lull, there is increasing evidence of China reviving its Covert offensive in the North East. Chinese support to the rebel groups has waxed and waned depending on content and direction of bilateral relationship, their evaluation of the strength and grit of people in power in Delhi, viability and reliability of insurgent groups etc. It is also noteworthy that whenever assistance from erstwhile East Pakistan, and later Bangladesh, to NE insurgents became difficult, the Chinese stepped in to fill in the gap.
There are definite indications that, after a long lull, there is major policy shift in China. In October, 2007, on the invitation of Chinese authorities, Anthony Shimray in-charge foreign affairs of NSCN(IM), visited China and held meetings with Lee Wuen, head of intelligence of Yunnan province and Chang local intelligence head at DehongMansi near Kunming in China. Shimray, handed over a letter to the Chinese authorities signed by Muivah, self styled Prime Minister of NSCN(IM), holding peace talks with government of India. The letter informed Chinese of appointment of Kholose, a Sema Naga, as their permanent representative in China. Chinese welcomed this institutionalized arrangement and wanted Nagas to keep them informed about (i) Activities and movements of Indian Army, particularly in Arunachal Pradesh, (ii) Intelligence regarding activities of Dalai Lama and Tibetans in India and (iii) Progress of peace talks with India. Chinese also tasked them to keep track of other NE insurgent groups and progress of their peace parleys with India. One of the major responsibilities of Kholose was procurement of weapons from China.
In April 2009, the self styled President of NSCN(IM), IsakChissiSwu, leader of group talking to India, accompanied by Shimray visited China for which the Visa was arranged by the Chinese intelligence in Philippines. They held a high level meeting with one General Lee and three senior Chinese intelligence officers. The Chinese while assuring them of Military cooperation, again reiterated their earlier requirement regarding information abut army movements in Arunachal, activities of Dalai Lama etc. NSCN(IM) leadership subsequently initiated follow up actions in Delhi, Dharmshala, Arunachal Pradesh and NSCN(IM) headquarters to meet Chinese intelligence requirements. Steps in the meantime also commenced to ship 1000 weapons from South Chinese port of Beihei to Cox’s Bazaar in Bangladesh for the NSCN (IM).
PareshBaruah of ULFA after being pressurized by Bangladesh security agencies, also visited China in 2010. Reports indicate that he led a group of about 80 that after receiving training in Ruili in Yunnan was provided substantial quantities of weapons. It is significant that ULFA has been a source of procurement of weapons by Left Wing Extremists and possibility of some of the Chimes weapons reaching them through ULFA channels can not be ruled out.
Reality of Chinese renewed interest in NE insurgency can not be wished away in our security calculus. It assumes special import in the back drop of China’s emerging aggressiveness, military activities in border areas, claims on Arunachal Pradesh and linkages of Left Extremists with NE insurgent groups. The government in pursuing its policy of engaging the rebels in peace talks needs to display greater clarity of vision, well defined objectives and strategic precision. Mistaking the talks as an end rather than means to an end can push India into a self made strategic trap. While the rebel groups are enhancing their capabilities, establishing trans-border linkages, procuring new weapons and recruiting new cadres, the government appears to be calculating publicity mileage and possible electoral advantages as their sole gains. This can be a self defeating strategy.
Illegal       Immigration:
The size geographical location and porosity of our borders makes large illegal migration to India from neighboring countries possible. People of all neighbouring countries share at least one important ethnic, religious or linguistic commonality with a section of the Indian population, which makes it possible for them to find easy shelters and go undetected. Economic opportunities afforded by relatively higher economic growth, freedoms of a liberal democratic polity, corruption, shortcomings of Indian political, administrative and judicial systems etc. have all contributed to make illegal immigration a major internal security problem.
Demographic invasion from Bangladesh, has already assumed alarming proportions. In many of the bordering districts of Assam and West Bengal it has brought about a total demographic transformation, forcing the original inhabitants to sell their lands and flee. Instead of abating, the last two years have witnessed an unprecedented increase in the inflow – the new migrants becoming more abrasive and emboldened, considering their illegal migration almost a matter of right. Subdued though, voices in support of greater Bangladesh have started surfacing both in Assam and Bangladesh.
The illegal immigrants from Bangladesh, who well exceed 2.5 million now, are no more confined to bordering states of Assam, West Bengal, Meghalaya etc. but have found new habitations in depth areas of the country. Most of them have been able to acquire identity documents with local political patronage and connivance of corrupt officials. The local Muslims in some areas are facilitating their settlements and helping them in procurement of ration cards, identity documents, jobs and political patronage.
This large scale migration is no more only a cause of demographic change, social conflicts, denial of economic opportunities and civic amenities to our own poor people but has become a security concern. The Islamic terrorists from Bangladesh readily find local shelters in length and breadth of the country. These immigrants also bring with them deeply ingrained anti-Indian ideas and seeds of fundamentalism. The border is porous and the infiltrators get full support from Bangladesh Border Forces. This unending stream of migrants is likely to become much more pronounced in the times to come, given the push factor in Bangladesh and the pull factor on the Indian side.
Illegal migration from Pakistan and Afghanistan is relatively small but its security implications are much greater. Pakistan as part of a long-term covert action programme, is trying to establish modules in different parts of the country with well trained and highly motivated Pak residents masquerading as Indians. A large number of Pakistanis who enter India with regular visas frequently go under ground and become untraceable.
Unemployment in Youth:
Though, essentially an economic and not a security issue if left unattended large scale youth unemployment can have serious security implications. India currently has a population of nearly 1.2 bn, 62.9% of which is in working age group. By 2026, India’s population profile is likely to grow even younger (68.4%in working age group) and the total population at 1.4 bn will overtake that of China. This translates into one billion people in the working age group that will need to be gainfully employed. Any failure will make large sections of unemployed youth vulnerable to forces of destabilization, disruption and destruction – both indigenous and foreign inspired. Channelised constructively, they can catapult India into a new power orbit making its human resource capital in the ageing world as a non-competeable CNP component for many decades ahead.
The total sum of jobs presently in India’s Public and private sector (including those in the unorganized private sector) work out to barely 300-350 million. India’s economic liberalization, so far is only producing the miracle of jobless growth. Most Indian industries have been imitating the Western corporate model – downsizing the workforce to maximize the profits. The Jamshedpur Steel plant of the Tatas that employed 80,000 workers some three decades ago with a production of 1 million tons per annum halved it to just 40,000 in the 1990’s and the output rose to 5 million tons per annum by automation. The plan is to further reduce the work force to just 20,000 but raise the production to 10 million tons per years. While to achieve global competitiveness India cannot afford to produce at high costs, it at the same cannot afford to keep its millions out of a job. A paradigm shift in over growth strategy is required and heavy investments need to be done in areas that can create large employment opportunities; nearly 700 million jobs by 2026. Man power intensive industries like ship building, infrastructure projects, rural employment schemes etc. will have to be accorded high priority. Generation of new and upgradation of existing skills through massive vocational training programmes need to be launched substituting the conventional educational pattern that churns out youth who are educated but unemployable. One of the ironies of Indian employment market is that while there are large numbers of youth with 10 to 16 years of formal education, most of the industries and employers find it difficult to get appropriate manpower that hardly requires training of two years or less beyond two years beyond basic 10 to 12 years of schooling. Non inclusive growth, large scale unemployment, huge income disparities etc. can be potential causes of internal instability and degradation. In national economic planning the strategico- security factors need to be given its deserved importance.


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