Delhi Sultanate: Mamluk Dynasty

Year 1192 - Muhammad Ghori had defeated Prithviraj Chauhan and merrily returned back to Afghanistan. He appointed Qutb-ud-din Aibak, a Turkic slave, who later rose through ranks to become a general in Ghori’s army, as his Governor of Delhi.

Muhammad Ghori had no sons. After he was assassinated in 1206, his dominions were divided among his slaves. Qutb-ud-din Aibak became the sultan of Delhi. A lover of art and literature, he started the construction of the Qutub Minar. But due to a fatal accident while playing polo, he couldn't witness its completion.

Aibak’s successor, Iltutmish decided to fulfill his father’s wish and carried out the remaining construction of Qutub Minar. Genghis khan was on the rise during the same time. But Iltutmish was able to establish a cordial diplomatic contact with the Abbasid Caliphate between 1228–29 and had managed to keep India unaffected by the invasions of Genghis Khan and his successors.

After Iltutmish died in 1236, Delhi was at the mercy of a series of weak rulers. Many noblemen declared rebellion, and assumed leadership of their respective provinces. Such was the state until Ghiyas-ud-din Balban came to power, and successfully thwarted external and internal threats to the Sultanate. Balban died at the age of eighty, pretty impressive for those times. However, due to the lack of a suitable heir, the throne eventually passed to three year old Kayumaras. Apparently, it was too much pressure for the young lad, as his guardian, Jalal-ud-din Khilji, ultimately dethroned Kayumaras in 1290. This marked the end of the Mamluk dynasty in Delhi's history.

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MATATAG: List of rulers of the Delhi Sultanate,Delhi Sultanate,Delhi sultanate | Muslim kingdom, India,Dynasties of Delhi Sultanate - Lead the Competition,Story of the Delhi Sultans,Story of the Delhi Sultans,Indian Sultanate of Delhi ,Delhi Sultanate - History Study Material & Notes,The Establishment of the Delhi Sultanate, Iltutmish as the real founder of Delhi Sultanate,Rulers of Delhi Sultanate, Development of cities in Delhi during the Sultanate Period,Delhi Sultanate – A Journey Begins in 1206AD

Question and Answer Related to Representation of People Act FOR UPSC Mains Exam

Q: What are the important Acts related elections?

The important act related to the elections is as follows,

1. Constitution of India

2. Representation of people’s Act 1950, 1951 with their amendments and rules made under them.

3. Parliament (prevention of disqualification) Act 1959 and

4. Delimitation of council constituencies’ orders.

Q: What are the Overall Salient Features of Representation of People Act

1. Part 21 of Indian constitution mentioned the provisional parliament and the provisional parliament enacted representation of people act 1951, so that general elections could be conducted according to the rules mentioned.

2. The representation of People’s Act contains 13 parts (2 parts added as amendments). Each part is divided into different sections making it a total 171 numbered sections.

3. In the whole document, EXPRESSION was not used in 1951 act but it does have the meaning in Art 43 of 1951 Act.

4. Chief electoral officer is mentioned in Sec 13 A

5. Corrupt practices are mentioned in Section 123

6. ELECTION means an election to fill a seat or seats in either the House of parliament or in the house of legislator of the state other than state of J and K.

Some more Salient features of representation of people act 1951

1. The Lok Sabha seats are to be filled with direct elections and one seat for every constituency and one person for one seat.

2. Election commission can also been conferred the power to determine the constituency to be reserved for SC in the states of Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland and Tripura.

3. President of India can conferred the power to amend orders delaminating constituency, only after consultation the election commission.

4. Each state to have a chief electoral officer nominated or designated by election commission in consolation with the state government. The election commission will also appoint district level election commissioners in consultation with the state government.

5. Each constituency has to have an electoral roll. No person to be registered in electoral rolls of more than one constituency. No person to be registered more than once in any constituency. A person shall b disqualified for registration in an electoral roll if h is either not a citizen of India or is of unsound mind or is disqualified from voting.

6. The electro roll for each constituency has to be prepared in the prescribed manner. Any person whose name is not included in the electoral roll of a constituency many apply to the elector registration officer for the inclusion of his name in that roll.

7. Power to make rules under this act conferred to the central government, which can exercise this power in consolation with election commission. The civil courts have also been barred to the question the legality of any action of electoral registration officer regarding revision of such electoral roll.

Some more Salient features of Representation of people act 1951

This act is deals with the qualification matters, disqualification matters, provision related to political party, and appeal structuring.

Qualification Matters

1. Only electoral can be representative the constituency. If a person is not eligible to vote, so he can’t contest the election in Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha.

2. In case of Lok Sabha, if the seat is reserved for SC, a non SC voter cannot elected to that seat, if the seat is reserved for ST, a non ST voter cannot be elected to that seat. He must be from these categories however; he may be a voter registered from any other constituency within India. However, in case of autonomous districts of Assam, Sikkim, ST seat for Lakshadweep, the electors should be enrolled as a voter in the same constituency.

3. The same criteria are followed in the legislative assembly of the state, barring that the elector should be an eligible voter in the same state.

Disqualification Matters

1. If a person is convicted under a punishable offence related to promoting enmity, bribery, undated influence, or presentation at an election, rape, cruelty towards a women, creating or promoting enmity, hatred or ill will between classes, promoting religious acrimony, practice of untouchability, import and export of prohibited goods, any other unlawful activities, FEMA, laws related to narcotics, terrorism acts, offence related to religious places and religious practices, offences related to insulting the national insignia, constitution of India, offence related to practice of sati and so on… will be disqualified is sent to jail for at least 2 years. This disqualification is for six years after the person is released from jail.

2. The other grounds for disqualification are as follows

a) If found guilty of corrupt practices

b) Dismissed for corruption

c) Disqualified for a contract entered into with government related matters

d) A person remains disqualified as long as he managing agent, manager or secretary of any government company or corruption

e) If fails to lodge expense accounts of elections.

3. Provision related to political parties

a) Every association or body which calls itself a political party shall have to apply to election commission of India for registration. The election commission will register that party after considering all the particulars, relevant factors and after hearing the representative of the party.

b) The election commission decision regarding registration will be final

c) If a political party changes its name or address, it shall communicate the election commissioner as soon as it does so.

d) A registered political party many accept any voluntary contribution by any person or company within India other than a government company. Political party is not allowed to seek and receive contribution from foreign sources.

e) Each political party has to prepare the report related to contribution more than 20000 from persons and companies in year and submit to the election commission.

4. Appealing structure

a) Every elected candidate shall submit the declaration of his assets and liabilities within 90 days from talking oath

b) Every contesting candidate is required to maintain account of election expenses.

c) Election petitions are to be heard in high court and appeal to Supreme Court. High court has to conclude such petition within in six months from the date of petition. High court can intimate its decision to election commission and speaker / chairman. Appeal to Supreme Court can be made within 30 days.

d) The corrupt practices which can lead to cancelling of an election include bribery, undue influence, promotion of enmity, hiring of vehicles to and from polling stations.

e) The often listed in the acts are as follows

i) Promoting enmity

ii) Public meetings within prior 48 hours of polling

iii) Creating disturbances

iv) Restrings on the printing of pamphlets, posters etc

v) Officer acting for a candidate

vi) Canvassing in or near polling stations

vii) Illegal hiring or procuring of conveyance

viii) Breach of official duty

ix) Removal of ballot papers

x) Booth capturing

xi) No liquor sale within 48 hours to the polling to the conclusion of polling

a) In case of enquiry, the EC decision is final and can enforce any action. The election has power to regulate its own procedure

b) For election related works, the following are to be made available to the election commission via every local authority, university, Government Company, any other institutions undertaking under the control of state or central government.

Q: What are the Recent Judgments and why the Representation of people Act 1951 is in news?

The two recent judgments of Supreme Court on electoral laws to cleanse the politics:

Lily Thomas Vs Union of India: ruled that Section 8(4) of the Representation of the People Act (RPA) was ultra virus since it provides a three-month window to legislators to file an appeal against conviction of crimes.

 Why ultra virus? (Court says once convicted, article 101 will come into picture which disqualifies persons according to provisions of article 102).

Ø However art. 102 say person is disqualified according to law made by parliament.

Ø And parliament made RPA according to which person stands disqualified on conviction; so once convicted art.101 will come into picture, thereby nullifying provisions of sec 8(4) – (constitution is supreme to ordinary laws).

Ø But constitutional expert Acharya (former secretary-general of parliament says there’s no immediate disqualification)

Ø Article 101(3)(a) of the constitution which provides that “if a member of either house of parliament- becomes subject to any of the disqualifications mentioned in Article 102 (detailed provisions of the article are mentioned below), his seat shall thereupon become vacant.

Chief Election Commissioner Vs Jan Chaukidar: more controversial ruling as it bars those in police custody or under arrest from contesting elections. The court concluded that section 8(4) of RPA, which defers the date on which the disqualification will take effect, is ultra-virus the constitution because it is inconsistent with articles 101(3)(a) and 190(3)(a). It is important to note that the court didn’t go into the question of whether section 8(4) infringes the equality provision in Article 14.

It is obvious that the second ruling is ripe for misuse. If the view of the Supreme Court it is accepted, then a rival politician need only get a false First Information Report (FIR) filed against his political rival and have him sent to police custody or jail to disqualify him. A large number of criminal cases against politicians, in any case, are of a “political” nature – an outcome of agitation politics, protests, civil disobedience and so on. Even in the past and the present, some of our best law-makers have been part of various civil disobedience and protest movements.

Q: What are Effects of recent Judgments by Supreme Court?

Supreme Court in their recent judgment of Lilly Thomas Vs Union of India ruled that MP/MLA/MLC who is convicted of a crime will b disqualified as an elected representative on the date of conviction. Furthermore, section 8(4) of the representation of people act, which allowed elected representation three months to appeal their convictions, was declared unconstitutionally by the bench of Justice AK Patnaik and Justice S J Mukhopadhaya. In an attempt to overturn this decision, the bill was introduced by Mr. Kapil Sibal in Rajya Sabha with a new amendment i.e. Indian government also filed a review petition in Supreme Court BUT Supreme Court dismissed. On 24th Sep 2013, fodder scam verdict, the government tried to bring the bill into effect as an ordinance. However, Rahall Gandhi, Vice President of Indian national Congress made is opinion of the ordinance clear in a press meeting. It’s complete non sense. It should be torn up and thrown.

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Matatag:  Question and Answer Related to Representation of People Act FOR UPSC Mains Exam

Matatag: representation of people act india Archives ,Recent questions in Representation of People's Act.,UPSC Civil Services Prelims Mock Questions (GS),Representation of People's Act,Bills and Acts in India for IAS Exam preparation,Representations of Peoples Acts (RoPA), 1950 and 1951,upsc mains test series

Religious and fundamentalism. Impact on Human Rights of women

The recent Republican victory in the U.S. Congress and the identifcation of the Republican Party with Christian fundamentalism could further undermine women's right to abortion and the struggle for economic and political equality. The Republican majority in the Congress has already slashed foreign assistance, including funding for family planning. Population control enthusiasts fear that this could lead to U.S. reneging on its funding commitments to the International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD).

The right wing challenge calls for dialogue between feminists and other groups opposed to the fundamentalist agenda. But, given past experience, it is necessary that progressive activists develop careful analyses of the growing conservative challenge without succumbing to the neo-Malthusian agenda. It is important that feminists pay more attention to such issues as the growing worldwide movement against abortion, increasing interference of the Vatican in global policymaking, and the limits of the liberal feminist individual choice approach to reproductive rights.

Vatican Interference

Forming an opportunistic alliance with Islamic states, the Vatican challenged the right to abortion and emphasis on women's reproductive rights in the Action Plan of the ICPD at Cairo. Although the ICPD Program recognizes unsafe abortions as a major health issue, the absence of references to women's right and desire to terminate pregnancies represents a victory for anti-abortion and religious fundamentalist movements and a defeat for the global women's struggle for decriminalizing abortion and reproductive self-determination. This development will only help perpetuate the large numbers of illegal abortions worldwide and maternal suffering and deaths associated with them.

Appropriating the language of leftist, Third World and feminist critics, the Vatican charged family planning programs of western cultural and biological imperialism during the deliberations on the ICPD agenda. The Vatican's interest, however, is not economic or cultural liberation of the Third World, but the restriction of women's reproductive freedom and the augmentation of its own authority.

The Vatican does not have the moral standing to accuse others of cultural or biological imperialism. Since the beginning of European conquest over 500 years ago, the Church has not only practiced cultural imperialism, but has also annihilated people who did not accept its teachings (Kissling, 1994). For the Vatican, as for Islamic fundamentalists, abortion and contraception represent a threat to patriarchal power. Aggressive Christian proselytization and the growth of Christian evangelical movements in Latin America, Africa, Asia and the former USSR pose a serious threat to women's freedom and cultural survival, as well as the evolution of secular, democratic political traditions.

The Vatican's increasingly aggressive role in influencing global policy needs to be seriously questioned. Should the Catholic religion which represents about 980 million baptized Catholics have more say over global policymaking than other religions, especially those that represent larger constituencies? Should the Vatican and the Catholic Church hierarchy of celibate male priests be given power to make decisions over women's sexuality and reproduction at a time when many Catholics themselves favor reproductive choice and practice artificial contraception?

How did the Vatican come to be granted the privilege of a non-member state permanent observer status in the United Nations when its claims to statehood are highly questionable under international law? It is doubtful that the Vatican met established eligibility criteria for obtaining this status in 1964. For the sake of cultural justice, if nothing else, the Vatican's permanent observer status must be revoked (Center for Reproductive Law and Policy, 1994). Women's groups must also speak out against the Vatican's attempts to block its critics, such as Catholics for Free Choice, from attending the upcoming Women's Conference in Beijing.

An Anti-Women Agenda

In seeking to restrict birth control worldwide, the 'pro-life' lobby has been attempting to manipulate Third World feminist critiques of the Malthusian population control establishment. In this regard, it is useful to recall a situation reported from the United Nations Women's Decade Conference in Nairobi in 1985. An international 'pro-life' group known as Protect Life in All Nations (PLAN) forged strong alliances with government delegations from Islamic countries and attempted to coopt Third World women critical of abuses in family planning programs into its campaign to cut off all international reproductive health funding. When PLAN's true identity was discovered, a large group of women from Third World and Western countries at the Nairobi Conference issued a declaration against 'pro-life' threats to women's reproductive freedom (Confidential Statement, 1985).

During the struggle for sterilization reform in the U.S. in the 1970s, a similar situation arose. When liberal feminist organizations which were focused narrowly on abortion and choice refused to join the struggle against sterilization abuse, right wing forces stepped in, appearing to be concerned with women's rights when in fact their real motive was restriction of women's access to contraception.

Third World and women of color feminist critics of Malthusian population control must continue to be cautious of right wing efforts to manipulate feminist language and win our sympathies. This is not always an easy task in the context of increasing efforts by the Malthusian population control establishment itself to coopt gender analysis and feminist concerns for its own purposes. Ultimately, both religious fundamentalists and Malthusian fundamentalists, who attribute all problems to 'overpopulation,' attempt to wrest reproductive decisions and power from women and hand them to external authorities, whether they be patriarchal religious entities or bureaucratic medical hierarchies. They both use sophisticated media and adapt indigenous culture to change consciousness and win converts: contraceptive acceptors in the case of the new-Malthusians and souls in the case of the fundamentalists.

The challenge facing feminist and other progressive forces is to stay clear of both the right wing and neo-Malthusian extremes and to develop alternative analyses of and solutions to women's subordination and the global crisis.

The neo-Malthusian focus on fertility reduction has diverted attention from the fact that everywhere it is women who take care of children and hold families and communities together. But, the lack of recognition given to women's nurturing and caring labor in the ICPD agenda has produced a discourse that equates women's freedom with individual reproductive choice and tends to see 'women's rights' as based on the neglect of the family. As Indian feminist activists, Vandana and Mira Shiva, have explained, the focus on sexual and reproductive rights in the ICPD consensus has been 'disempowering' rather than empowering to Third World women. It has allowed the right wing to appear as the only ones concerned with ' family values' (Shiva and Shiva, 1994).

A broader vision and agenda on reproductive and women's rights must address the increasing violence directed against women globally. In countries where militant fundamentalist movements are strong, the backlash against women has moved far beyond restrictions placed on access to abortion and contraception. Women and social minorities are increasingly the victims of fundamentalist forces fighting in the name of the traditional family and morality and against the sexual permissiveness represented supposedly by adolescent sexuality, homosexuality, non-traditional families, and the AIDS epidemic. Much of the opposition of the religious Right to the ICPD Program of Action came during attempts to address such issues.

In countries such as Algeria many women have been deliberately targeted and assassinated for the 'crimes' of simply working outside the home and not wearing the veil. As the levels of unemployment, insecurity and despair increase around the world, the attempts to restrict women to the traditional wife and mother roles are bound to increase, and violence against women and different ethnic groups is likely to take new forms. But, this violence may not be restricted to the right wing fundamentalist forces. It can also come from more established forces representing scientific and capitalist interests including neo-Malthusianism and neo-conservatism. As in the past, right wing fundamentalism and techno-bureaucratic authorities can collude to produce fascist movements and governments based on eugenic ideologies of gender, race and class superiority and technologies for genetic engineering.

The fear, insecurity and anomie inherent in the modern materialistic, technological world make right wing fundamentalism with its promise of security, stability and sense of belonging attractive to many people.

The world needs a strong moral and spiritual basis if in fact the excesses and insecurity associated with the current western consumerist model of social development is to be transcended and the global crisis is to be resolved (Bandarage, 1991). But, that ethical and spiritual basis cannot come from the patriarchal ideology of the Catholic Church or the violent tactics of religious fundamentalism. A new global ethic and spirituality that are based on universal rights and social justice must replace the patriarchal morality and fundamentalism of both conservative religions and the population control establishment.

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MATATAG: Religious Fundamentalism and the Backlash to Women's Equality,Why do women turn religious fundamentalists on?,The Devil is in the Details': development, women's rights and religious fundamentalisms,A worldwide problem for women’s rights,Do away with homogenising identities ,Promote a feminist understanding of religion, culture, and tradition ,Address structural inequality,Religious fundamentalisms and their gendered impacts in Asia,Religious Fundamentalisms and the Human Rights of Women,Human rights, fundamentalism, power and prejudice

Women Education: Its Meaning and Importance

There’s an African proverb which goes “If you educate a man you educate an individual but if you educate a woman you educate an entire nation” and this is the single most important thing that our country needs to understand at this moment. In 2015 3.7 million eligible girls were out of school and in rural areas girls receive an average of fewer than four years of education. In a country where 21.9% of the population is below its official poverty limit, it does not come as a surprise that poverty is the major obstacle that limits education for girls.

But poverty is not the only thing that is disrupting the fundamental right of education amongst Indian girls there are many more contributing factors such as the distance of schools from the corresponding villages, lack of sanitation facilities in schools, shortage of female teachers, gender bias in curriculum, absence of support from their respective families and this list is never ending. There’s a common belief among rural households that girls should stop schooling after reaching puberty because more often than not they are teased by boys throughout the long walk from their home to school. India has the highest number of child brides in Asia and inevitably there is this dogma surrounding young girls that educating them is a waste of time and money as they are born only to be married off and manage the household. In rural households and especially amongst the poor, the girl child is a valuable resource for housework and in the fields, an additional hand that cannot be wasted away through an education with almost invisible gains and far too heavy a price that most rural and poor families cannot afford to pay.

As a result, a large gender gap emerges which was highlighted in the 2011 census that showed the male literacy rate to be 82.14% while for females it lags behind at 65.46%. Although getting the girl child to enrol in primary schools seems to be most problematic, once enrolled, girl children are more likely to continue their primary education. At the secondary level of education, girls tend to drop out more than boys, again posing a challenge to retain the girl child for secondary education. In our so-called ‘modern India’, estimates show that for every 100 girls in rural India only a single one reaches class 12 and almost 40% of girls leave school even before reaching the fifth standard and more than 15% children in schools can’t read a simple story in Hindi, our national language.

The differences between the positions of men and women in the society will not lessen; leave alone disappear, as long as there are differences between the education levels of men and women. We must realize that going to school is one thing, on the other hand, the quality of education that one gets is another. Within government schools- overcrowded classrooms, absent teacher, unsanitary conditions are common complaints and can cause parents to decide that it is not worth their child going to school. A 2010 report conducted by the National Council for Teacher Education estimated that an additional 1.2 million teachers were needed to fulfil the RTE act requirements and merely 5 % of government schools complied with all the basic standards and infrastructure set by the act. Moreover40% of classrooms had more than 30 students and over 60% didn’t have any electricity and over 21% of the teachers were not professionally trained. Although much work has been done to improve the state of education in India, we are still a long way off from attaining standards comparable even to other developing nations.

India is ranked 105 amongst 128 countries in its Education for All Development Index. There is much work to be done to enhance education in India; particular attention is warranted to women’s access to education. An attempt has to be made to remove the social, psychological and structural barriers, for the participation of the majority of women in education. Even though the Government and various voluntary organisations are engaged in several attempts to sensitise the local population to the need for women education, unless parents of the girl child see value and merit in sending the girl child to school, they will resist doing so and instead prefer to use her help in household chores or agricultural activities. It is absolutely vital that we incorporate the belief among women that they must stand on their two feet and the only feasible way to achieve this is through education and its proper utilisation. One way to make the families more interested is by making the school come to them rather than sending their girls to school far away from home by implementing more mobile schools across rural India.

But most importantly we need to encourage women entrepreneurs and emerging leaders such as one of our own Anjali whose incredible courage is an inspiration. Anjali is 16 but she stopped going to school because she faced sexual harassment almost every day as she walked to school and back. She was frightened but she never lost hope and now she is one of our most diligent members in our Sanjay camp and works tirelessly to organise community meetings in order to help others like her. She is back in school now and is an exemplary role model for all.

The Great Warrior Queen: Maharani Durgavati of Gondwana

Maharani Durgavati was born on 5th October 1524 to the famous Rajput Chandel Emperor Keerat Rai. She was married to Daalpat Shah of Gond Dynasty in 1542. Soon after, she gave birth to a son who was named Vir Narayan. However, Daalpat Shah died in 1550 and the Queen decided to rule the kingdom as heir Vir Narayan was only five years old.

Rani Durgavati ably ruled over her Kingdom with the help of two ministers Adhar Kayastha and Man Thakur. She shifted her capital to Chauragarh in place of Singaurgarh as a strategic initiative, since the fort was situated in the Satpura hill range.

Now, the Malwa region had been captured by Sujat Khan who was succeeded by his son Bajbahadur in 1556 A.D. Now Bajbahadur decided to attack Rani Durgavati’s kingdom in a bid to expand his own territory. However, he was defeated by the Queen and sustained heavy losses in the battle. The decisive win helped spread Rani Durgavati’s name and fame across kingdoms.

In 1562, Malwa was annexed by Akbar and the region came to be ruled by Mughal General Khwaja Abdul Majid Asaf Khan. As a part of Akbar’s expansion plans, the Mughal forces planned to invade the kingdom of Rani Durgavati.

Rani Durgavati knew that her small army was vastly outnumbered by the Mughal forces and the Mughal soldiers were well trained and carried modern weapons. However she decided to go ahead and fight the battle rather than accepting defeat and live in dishonour.

The Rani with her army took up a defensive position near Narrai (Madhya Pradesh). The valley was guarded by hills on one side and the rivers Narmada and Gaur on the other side. Even though, the Mughal forces attacked from both sides of the valley the Rani with her small army fought valiantly. Her leading general Faujdar Arjun Das was killed in the battle and she began to lead the battle herself. Soon after the Mughal soldiers were forced to retreat from the valley. Rani Durgavati was keen to attack the Mughals during the night, thus giving them no chance to recover the losses and turn around. However, her generals advised her against the move.

The next morning the battle commenced again and this time the Mughals had managed to bring forth their heavy artillery during the cover of the night. Vir Narayan, fought bravely and led his army to push back the Mughal forces thrice. However, he was gravely injured during the course of the battle and was taken away from the field.

The Rani, riding her elephant Samran began to lead the battle. Even though she fought with all her might, her forces and weapons were greatly outnumbered by the Mughals. She sustained heavy injuries from two arrows during the battle.

Rani Durgavati realized that defeat was imminent and she was advised to escape the battle. However, she preferred death and took out her dagger and killed herself.

She is regarded as a martyr who died defending her kingdom from the Mughals. The day, 24th June 1564 is celebrated as Balidan Divas. In 1983, University of Jabalpur was renamed as Rani Durgawati Viswavidalaya by government of Madhya Pradesh in her honour. A postal stamp was also issued by the Indian Government commemorating her death, on 24 June 1988.

History of Lucknow

It is very interesting and draws a very indecisive balance between fortunate and unfortunate on part of any city, whose history of the recent centuries is so highly cherished that people do not wish to even know beyond it. Perhaps that’s the reason that not many noted historians ever took pain of peeping behind the glorious period and present the complete case at a go to those who are keen on knowing the documented history. For some, the myths are good to hear but do not feed the inquisitive minds that asks for evidence. Here I have tried to concisely compose the outlined events that lead us to the present through the documented account of our beloved city Lucknow. The study runs on the basis of evidences from earliest established civilizations through ages of Hindu Empires entering into foot-prints of arrivals of Muslims and finally landing into the history that is widely read.

The earliest probability of the civilization on the areas that today constitutes Lucknow  dates to archaeological excavations at the Hulaskhera mound, located on the banks of the Karela Lake in Mohanlalgung ‘tehseel’ which links the city to pre and proto historic times. The six meter high massive mounds cover an area of 80 acres and dates from prehistoric times to the Sunga-Kushar era. The finds also include hoard of silver coins belonging to the period of Vinayak Pal Deva of Kannauj (c.10thcentury AD) that were unearthed by the priest of Kalleshwari Devi Temple near the excavation site. According to the excavation experts and related scholars, the exercise yields archaeological remains of a civilization dating back to 1000 BC though not thoroughly supported by tangible evidences. The remains belong to a prosperous agricultural community that had structured buildings and developed civic system. The antiquarian remains include terracotta gamesmen and figurines, beads, shell beads and ivory bangles. It indicated towards an active socio-cultural environment during the 5th century BC or the period that may be referred as pre-Buddhist. The remains of the buildings indicate the use of concrete structures, belonging to the beginning of AD 400. A 20-metre long road across the Lake has also been encountered which seemed to connect two settlements on either side of the Lake.

The Kushan levels (c. 100 BC to AD 100), yielded number of silver coins and gold-coated glass beads reflects the prosperity of the inhabitants. The terracotta human figurines sporting beards and moustaches may be compared with the Kushan stone sculptures unearthed and stored in the Mathura Museum. Another interesting find includes a stamped gold plaque bearing the image of popular deity Kartikeya, wearing a head-dress with three jewels and holding a spear. The figurine bears testimony to the contact of Hulaskhera with places outside.

The historic phase (AD 40-900) provides evidence of large rooms being converted into smaller units. Even the terracotta figurines indicate a marked decline in the plastic arts. However, the evidence of a brick fort is notable for the remains of large housing complex, which may have been a community centre or a nobleman’s residence. During the early historic period, Lucknow of today and its neighborhood formed part of the once-celebrated Kosala Mahajanapad. In the accounts of Brahamanas and Jatakas, Kosala existed as a territory in the time of King Janaka of Mithila. This region was later included in the Mauryan and Kushan empires. Kushan antiquities including sculptures, large-sized bricks, terracotta and a coin were recovered from the neighborhood of present day Lucknow though no direct references are found in historical narratives and no archaeological findings are found to establish the ancient past of the said period.

Though most of the historical notes on Lucknow predominantly took place with the arrival of Muslims but it does not necessarily draw a conflict in any form on the historical significance of pre-Muslim era. It is both ethical and honest to highlight the said aspect as those who survive on the oxygen of controversies always try to grab the food for thought on such lines. One of the most striking incidents in the post-Pratihara period was the time that witnessed the arrival of Syed Salar Masud Ghazi who was the nephew of Mahmud of Ghazni and son of Syed Salar Sahoo Ghazi. His travels were aimed at publicizing the Islamic teachings but a section of history deals negatively with his character on the mindset mentioned above. Even though Lucknow was just one of the places on his journey that started from Delhi and ended at Bahraich in the year AD 1033, it left a greater impact on this soil as some of his associates are buried here, primarily at Peer Bukhara and Sohbatiya Bagh areas. These graves are still in existence and they mark the earliest footprints of Muslims in this area. The route he adopted from Delhi was via Meerut before reaching Kannauj from where he crossed the Ganges and going through the Navadevakula of Hieun Tsang, the famous Chinese traveler, he passed through Baari Thana, Asiwan, parts of Malihabad before reaching present day Lucknow and moving on to Satrikh where he stayed for a longer period, to be joined with his father. Other surrounding places that came under Muslim dominance during this period were Karra-Manikpur and Hardoi.

The city has been associated with Sultans of Delhi when they annexed to expand their empire and Sultan Iltutmish granted the aqta of Kasmandi and Mandiaon on Malik Tajuddin Sanjar, alias Tabar Khan. Through this assignment, the areas around the city became an integral part of the Sultanate of Delhi. It was the first instance the similar sounding name came into existence by ‘Alakhnau’ along with Avadh and Zafrabad when Muhammad Bin Tughlaq appointed Ainul Mulk as governor of the areas. Lucknow is referred to by the famous Moroccan traveler Ibn-Batuta in connection with the events, which occurred between 1338 and 1341. Delhi was in grip of severe famine, and it was Alakhnau, which supplied large quantities of food grains to the Sultan during his stay at Swargdwari (it was the capital town of Gaharwars, one of the five clans of the Rathore, and is currently the area of Qaimgunj tehseel of Farukkhabad district). Thus, the prosperous condition of Lucknow was responsible for the rebellion of Ainul-Mulk and his brothers, who were suppressed by Muhammad Bin Tughlaq with great difficulty.

In 1394, Khwaja-e-Jahan, the founder of Sharqi dynasty of Jaunpur, brought all the places between Jaunpur and Kannauj under his control. Lucknow became an important station under the Sharqis. Sultan Bahloul Lodi of Delhi annexed Lucknow to his kingdom in 1487-88 and assigned it, along with Kalpi, to his grandson Azam Humayun. It was during his time that a Brahman Lodhan publicly declared that both Islam and Hinduism were true religions, an incident which indicates the liberal outlook of the people of Lucknow, even at such an early date. His bold assertions at that time cost him his life but gave life to a couplet of Mohsin Kakorvi:

“Simt-e-Kaashi Se Chala Jaanib-e-Mathura Baadal

Barq Ke Kaandhay Pe Laayi Hai Saba Ganga-Jal”

During the reign of Sultan Sikander Lodi, Mubarak Khan succeeded Azam Humayun. Later, Ahmad Khan became the governor of Lucknow. He showed unprecedented favors towards Hindus and was accused of idolatry and renunciation of the faith, he was consequently dismissed and arrested on orders of Sultan Sikander Lodi in 1509, Saeed Khan succeeded him as governor of Lucknow.

Then came the brightest period in the history of India and particularly North India that marked the stepping up of the history of centuries to come. In the year 1526 after the battle of Panipat, Zahiruddin Mohammad Babur became the emperor after defeating Ibrahim Lodi. His son Humayun, a Royal prince at that time, occupied Lucknow in the same year. It felt to Afghans for a short period of time when Humayun was engaged with Rana Sanga, Babur reoccupied Lucknow in March 1528 and visited the town on March 21, 1529. Baburnama mentions that Babur crossed the river Gomti on his way to Faizabad and was impressed by its climate and flavors of rice. This fact indicates the political and strategic importance of the region. Lucknow continued to enjoy its affluence. After the empire slipped off the hands of Humayun in 1539, Isa Khan was appointed to restore law and order in the territories lying between Delhi and Lucknow. He also assigned Lucknow to a nobleman, Qadir Shah. Sher Shah raised the status of the city by establishing silver and copper mints at Lucknow for the first time. This was also the period when Humayun was facing in-house troubles from his own brother Kamran Mirza and brother-in-law Mirza Muhammad Zamaan etc. Upon crossing the Ganges around Bilgram, some of the immediate members of Royal family decided to stay away from the ruling elite that was on the move and decided to settle down in the remote areas that are now in Unnao district. These people were directly the Timurid and Chagtai descendants and as per Baburnama and later on Akbarnama of Abul Fazl reports, it was against the wish of Babur as he insisted that Humayun should try his best to maintain peace and harmony with his brothers and close relatives, even if they make mistakes.

By the time Humayun reoccupied Delhi in 1546, Lucknow became a permanent part of the Mughal Empire despite frequent risings by the unruly and desperate Afghan chiefs in the area. During the rule of Akbar (1556-1605), Lucknow witnessed several administrative reforms of far-reaching consequences and it became the headquarters of a sarkar of the suba of Avadh. The copper mint unit was maintained and Akbar is said to have built several mohallas to the south of Chowk. Shahgunj and Mahmud Nagar were some of the earliest localities to have come up during that period.

It was during the peaceful reign of Akbar that Brahmans formed one of the principal sections of the population and the emperor was so well disposed towards them that he favored them with a lakh of rupees. Since then, the Bajpai Brahmans of Lucknow have been both famous and influential. Themohalla conferred upon the Bajpai’s was destroyed during the British rule.

The earliest known Mughal governor of Lucknow, appointed during the reign of Akbar was Husain Khan Tukriya in 1568. He was succeeded by Mahdi Qasim Khan, a mansabdar of four thousand, to whom Akbar gave Lucknow as tuyul. But shortly afterwards in 1572, Lucknow was bestowed on Sikandar Khan, a retired governor of Avadh who died the following year. It was then given to Khwaja Amiruddin Mahmud Khwaja Jahan, who was Wazir-e-Mustaqil of Hindustan, he passed away in 1574. During the closing year of Akbar’s reign Jawahar Khan was subedar of Avadh. His nayib was Qasim Mahmud of Bilgram under whose supervision the areas of Shahgunj and Mahmud Nagar were built along with Akbari Darwaza.

Thereafter, it was time for the Shaikzadas to gain the proximity to the Royal court via all the prevalent practices of the time reports Akbarnama. Abdur Rahim Bijnori used the relation of his friend Jamal Bakhtiyar’s sister to reach the Royal court and that impressed the emperor Akbar so much so that Shaikh Abdur Rahim was invited at one of the Royal gatherings at Sialkot. It was here in Sialkot in the year 1586 that in state of intoxication, Abdur Rahim stabbed himself that upset the emperor. After a period of 12 years in the year 1598, he paid another visit to the Royal court of Akbar and pacified the relations. It was a symbol of Akbar’s consideration towards the Shaikh that resulted in construction of Machchhi Bhavan and Panch Mahal at Lucknow. As per the Ain-e-Akbari and Ma’asirul Umara, Shaikh Abdur Rahim had married a Brahmin female by name of Kishna who carried the noble practices, maintained a garden, a sarai, acquired a number of villages and carried her works for nearly sixty years, even after the death of Shaikh, who was laid to rest at Nadal Mahal. Lucknow, she continued to have the influence of his descendants in line with their good relations with the ruling Royals at Delhi and continued to have periodical jagirs from later Mughals.

Abul Fazl in his Akbarnama has thrown light on rising importance of Lucknow by virtue of its climate and vegetation, it became a part of the sarkar of that time in the suba of Avadh. The development of Avadh continued unhampered during the time of Emperor Jahangir  (r. 1605-1627). Jahangir is reported to have visited Lucknow during lifetime of Akbar and founded Mirza Mandi to the west of Machchhi Bhavan. The European traveler De-Laet testifies to the fact that Lucknow was a thriving centre of trade, a Magnum Emporium in the reign of Jahangir. It was during these days, a French merchant obtained a permit for one-year to conduct commercial trade in the region. This trade amassed an immense fortune, part of which was used to build a mansion. Upon expiry of the permit, the said mansion was confiscated and given a name of Farangi Mahal as it was built by foreigners, known at that time as Farangis. This Farangi Mahal was later awarded to a learned family of Mulla Qutubuddin during the time of Aurangzeb and became a seat of Islamic teachings and scholars. Another feather to Lucknow, as per Tuzuk-e-Jahangiri was the allotment of lands in the adjoining areas of Lucknow to those who belonged to the members of Timurid & Chagtai descent and had reached the area in the early days with Babur & Humayun. Primarily, these people belong to the families of those neutral members who left the Royal camp during the unrest between Humayun,  his brothers and immediate family members.

With the passage of time, the rule of Jahangir came to an end and Emperor Shahjahan (r. 1627-1658) came to the throne of Delhi. He appointed Sultan Ali Shah Quli Khan as governor of Avadh. Quli Khan’s sons, Mirza Fazil and Mirza Mansur founded Fazil Nagar and Mansur Nagar to the south-west of Akbari Darwaza. Subsequently, the governorship of Avadh came to Mutamad Khan Muhammad Sharif whose brother Muhammad Ashraf built magnificent buildings and founded the areas of Ashrafabad towards the south of Shahgunj and Musharrafabad or Naubasta (new locality). These areas were thickly populated by distinguished Brahmins, Kayasths and other families. He laid out a garden and as per the chronogram on the gates of this garden, it was named as Bustan-e-Dostaan (garden of friends). Another noble, Peer Khan founded the area of Garhi Peer Khan to the west of the city.

Saiyid Nizam Murtaza Khan, son of famous Sadr Jahan of Pihani was also appointed Faujdar of Lucknow by Shahjahan. The old copper mint continued to function during the reign of Shahjahan. The English factory records from 1646 to 1654 show that English factors at the time were doing brisk business in sugar, indigo and calico at Lucknow. Cloth were bleached at Lucknow and then forwarded to important trade centers in India.

Emperor Aurangzeb is reported to have visited Lucknow and ordered the construction of the impressive mosque on the higher bank of river Gomti. A contemporary scholar and Islamic saint, Shaikh Pir Muhammad of Jaunpur lies buried in a square tomb to the north-east of the mosque. His learning and piety attracted large numbers of students and scholars from different parts of the country and his manuscripts are preserved in the Rampur Raza Library. The school founded by him remained a center of learning for about a century after his death in 1668.

During the reign of Aurangzeb, the noted governors were Irij Khan and then Jamal Khan. After Aurangzeb died in 1707, the Mughal Empire that had only six emperors in nearly 180 years, witnessed as many as eleven rulers in next 150 years to come. During the reign of Muhammad Shah, Girdhar Nagar, the son of Daya Bahadur became the subedar of Avadh. He was the nephew of Chhabila Ram Nagar, the governor of Allahabad. The wife of Girdhar Nagar founded the area of Rani Katra to the east of Daulat Gung.

By the year 1722, Muhammad Shah appointed Burhan-ul-Mulk Sa’adat Khan as the Nayib of Avadh that laid the foundation of Nawabi for 125 years to come.

Upon deputation by the Mughal Ruler Mohammad Shah, Sa’dat Khan was appointed the Nayib for the province of Avadh.

List of the Nawabs of Avadh with their titles and period

1- Wazeer ul Mulk

     Burhan-ul-Mulk Meer Muhammad Ameen Musawi Sa’adat Khan      1722-1739

2- Subedar Nawab

     Abul Mansur Muhammad Muqeem Khan Safdarjung     1739-1748

     Nawab Wazir ul Mumalik     1748-1754

3- Subedaar Nawab

     Jalaluddin Shuja’a ud daula Hyder  1754-1762

     Nawab Wazir ul Mumalik      1762-1775

 4- Nawab Wazir ul Mumalik

     Asif ud daula Muhammad Yahia Amani      1775-1797

5- Nawab Wazir ul Mumalik

     Mirza Wazir Ali     1797-1798

6- Nawab Wazir ul Mumalik

     Yameen ud daula Naazim ul Mulk Sa’adat Ali Khan II     1798-1814

7- Nawab Wazir ul Mumalik

     Ghazi ud din Rafa’a ud daula Abul Muzaffar Hyder Khan     1814-1818

     Badshah-e-Avadh Shah-e-Zaman     1818-1827

8- Badshah-e-Avadh Shah-e-Zaman

     Naseer ud din Hyder Sulaiman Jaah     1827-1837

9- Badshah-e-Avadh Shah-e-Zaman

     Moin ud din Abul Fateh Muhammad Ali Shah      1837-1842

10- Badshah-e-Avadh Shah-e-Zaman

     Naasir ud daula Amjad Ali Shah Suraiyyah Jaah     1842-1847

11- Badshah-e-Avadh Shah-e-Zaman

     Naasir ud din Abul Mansoor Muhammad Wajid Ali Shah      1847-1856

 On February 05, 1856, the King was deposed and Avadh was incorporated into British Empire. However, the rebellion had taken place at Lucknow and Berjis Qadr declared his rule that continued till March 08, 1858.

Once Lucknow as a part of Avadh was incorporated into British rule, it got under the control of officers as follows:

 Chief Commissioners of Oudh (1856 – 1877)

Maj. Gen. Sir James Outram                        Feb 01, 1856 – May 08, 1856

Colville Coverly Jackson                             May 08, 1856 – Mar 21, 1857

Maj. Gen Sir Henry Montgomery Lawrence     Mar 21, 1857 – Jul 05, 1857

Maj. John Sherbroke Banks                         Jul 05, 1857 – Sep 11, 1857

Lt. Gen. Sir James Outram                          Sep 11, 1857 – Apr 03, 1858

Robert Montgomery                                   Apr 03, 1858 – Feb 15, 1859

Charles John Wingfield                               Feb 15, 1859 – Apr 20, 1860

Lt. Col. Lousada Barrow                             Apr 20, 1860 – Apr 04, 1861

George Udny Yule                                     Apr 04, 1861 – Aug 26, 1865

Richard Hutton Davies                               Aug 26, 1865 – Mar 17, 1866

Sir John Strachey                                     Mar 17, 1866 – May 24, 1868

R.H. Davies                                              May 24, 1868 – Jan 18, 1871

Maj. Gen. Lousada Barrow                          Jan 18, 1871 – Apr 20, 1871

Sir George Couper                                     Apr 20, 1871 – Mar 15, 1875

John Forbes David Inglis                             Mar 15, 1875 – Feb 15, 1877

Lieutenant Governors of the North-Western Provinces and Chief Commissioners of Oudh (1877–1902)

Sir George Ebenezer Wilson Couper            Feb 15, 1877 - Apr 17, 1882

Sir Alfred Comyn Lyall                              Apr 17, 1882 – Nov 21, 1887

Sir Auckland Colvin                                 Nov 21, 1887 – Nov 28, 1892

Sir Charles Haukes Todd Crosthwaite          Nov 28, 1892 – Jan 09, 1895

Alan Cadell                                            Jan 09, 1895 – Nov 06, 1895

Sir Anthony Patrick MacDonnell                  Nov 06, 1895 – Nov 14, 1901

Sir James John Digges La Touche               Nov 14, 1901 – Mar 22, 1902

Lieutenant Governors of the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh (1902–1921)

Sir James John Digges La Touche                  Mar 22, 1902 – Jan 01, 1907

Sir John Prescott Hewett                             Jan 01, 1907 – Sep 15, 1912

Sir James Scorgie Meston                            Sep 15, 1912 – Feb 07, 1917

John Mitchell Holmes                                   Feb 07, 1917 – Feb 15, 1918

Sir Spencer Hartcourt Butler                         Feb 15, 1918 – Jan 03, 1921

 Governors of the United Provinces of British India (1921–1937)

Sir Spencer Hartcourt Butler                         Jan 03, 1921 – Dec 21, 1922

Sir William Sinclair Marris                              Dec 24, 1922 – Jan 14, 1927

Sir Alexander Phillips Muddiman                     Jun 14, 1927 – Jun 17, 1928

Sir William Malcom Hailey                              Aug 09, 1028 – Dec 06, 1934

Sir Harry Graham Haig                                  Dec 06, 1934 – Apr 01, 1937

 Governors of the United Provinces (1937–1947)

Sir Harry Graham Haig                                  Apr 01, 1937 – Dec 07, 1939

Sir Maurice Garnier Hallet                              Dec 07, 1939 – Dec 07, 1945

Sir Francis Verner Wylie                                Dec 07, 1945 – Aug 14, 1947

On Aug 15, 1947 India became independent of the British rule

History of Delhi

                                    
                                   Part 2 -Chauhan dynasty

The Rajput King Prithviraj III, popularly known as Prithviraj Chauhan, was the last Hindu King (before Hemu) to ascend upon the throne of Delhi. Prithviraj Chauhan was a bit smarter than his peers. He unified the Rajput forces under one banner, and against the Muslim invasions. He received the throne of Delhi from his maternal grandfather Anangpal      TomarII        in       1180.

Prithviraj renamed Lal Kot as ‘Rai Pithora’ and ruled most of the North West India including the states of Rajasthan, Haryana, parts of Uttar Pradesh, and Punjab. He defeated Muhammad Ghori, in the first battle of Tahrain. Dismissing the warnings of caution by his ministers, the chivalrous King pardoned and released Ghori. He was soon to regret it. Muhammad Ghori regrouped his forces and defeated Prithviraj at the second Battle of Tahrain in 1192 commencing the Muslim rule in India.

Prithviraj Chauhan was captured, blinded, and taken to Afghanistan. Although there isn’t any historical proof, many believe that Prithviraj killed Ghori by a ‘shabda-bhedi’ arrow- (i.e. firing solely guided by the sound of the target) and later stabbed himself. Fantasy readers would love to believe this version. Fan boys of Muhammad Ghori still vent out their anger by stabbing on the grave of Prithviraj Chauhan in Afghanistan.