भारत में ब्रिटिश राज्य की स्थापना एवं प्रसार

जिस समकालीन विश्व को मुगल साम्राज्य ने अपने विस्तृत प्रदेश, विशाल सेना तथा सांस्कृतिक उपलब्धिायों से आश्चर्यजनक कर दिया था। वह 18वीं शताब्दी के आरंभ से अवनति की तरफ़ बढ़ रहा था। औरंगजेब के बाद कई शासक दिल्ली के सिंहासन पर बैठें लेकिन कोई भी साम्राज्य के समक्ष उत्पन्न चुनौतियों का सामना नहीं कर सका। वहीं साम्राज्य के दरबार में कूटनीति, घृणा, द्वेष, हत्या आदि का दौर चला। इससे मुगल साम्राज्य कमजोर होता गया। दूसरी तरफ़ प्रांतों के शासक भी स्वतं= व्यवहार करने लगे। ऐसी स्थिति में बाह्य आक्रमण ने मुगल साम्राज्य को भारी हानि पहुंचायी तथा पानीपत के तृतीय यु) द्ध1761ऋ में उभरती मराठा शक्ति अफ़गान शासक अब्दाली के सामने पराजित हो गयी। इससे यह स्पष्ट हो गया कि भारत पर शासन मराठा शक्ति नहीं कोई अन्य की करेगा। इसी परिस्थिति में ईस्ट इंडिया कंपनी लगातार अपनी शक्ति बढ़ा रही थी तथा राजनीतिक शून्यता को भरने के क्रम में उसने अपना साम्राज्य स्थापित कर लिया। ब्रिटिश राज्य स्थापना एवं साम्राज्य विस्तार को उसकी निम्न नीतियां के माध्यम से समझ सकते हैं।

देशी राज्यों से संधियां

बंगाल पर आधिपत्य द्ध1757 के प्लासी यु)ऋ से लेकर 1857 की क्रांति तक अंग्रेजी साम्राज्य के निरंतर अपना विस्तार किया। उसके इस विस्तारवादी नीति को निम्न आधार पर समझ सकते हैं।

मण्डलाकार रक्षापंक्ति की नीति (रिंग फेंस पॉलिसी)

सन् 1764 में बक्सर के यु) में अवध की पराजय के बाद उस राज्य पर कम्पनी अपना अधिकार कर सकती थी। किन्तु क्लाइव ने ऐसा न करके अवध के साथ एक आक्रामक तथा प्रतिरक्षात्मक संधि कर ली। इस संधि के अनुसार जिस नीति का पालन किया वह ‘‘मण्डलाकार रक्षापंक्ति’’ की नीति के नाम से प्रसि) हुई। इस नीति के अंतर्गत कंपनी ने अपने राज्य की रक्षा के लिये अपने पड़ोसी राज्यों की अनेक श=ुओं से रक्षा करने का भार अपने कंधों पर ले लिया। उस समय मराठे अवध को हड़पने का विचार कर रहे थे। उनका अवध पर अधिकार हो जाने के बाद बंगाल तथा बिहार की सुरक्षा खतरे में पड़ जाती। इस प्रकार अवध को कंपनी तथा मराठों के राज्यों के बीच एक मध्यस्थ राज्य के रूप में बनाये रखने की नीति को अपनाया गया। दक्षिण में भी इसी नीति का अनुसरण किया गया। इस प्रकार कंपनी अपने अधीन प्रदेशों से दूर के क्षेत्रें में यु) करती थी। इस नीति के अंतर्गत कंपनी तथा देशी राज्यों के मध्य संधियों लगभग समानता के आधार पर होती थी। किन्तु कंपनी के शासकों ने इस नीति का ईमानदारी से पालन नहीं किया तथा अपने स्वार्थ हेतु उन्होंने राज्यों के आंतरिक मामलों में हस्तक्षेप किया।

सहायक संधि (सबसीडियरी एलाएंस)

वेलेजली ने भारतीय राज्यों की अंग्रेजी राजनैतिक परिधिा में लाने के लिए सहायक संधिा प्रणाली का प्रयोग किया। इससे अंग्रेजी सत्ता की श्रेष्ठता स्थापित हो गई एवं तत्कालीन समय में उत्पन्न हो रहा नेपोलियन का भय भी टल गया।

सहायक संधिा प्रणाली बहुत पहले से ही अस्तित्व में थी। इसका सर्वप्रथम प्रयोग डूप्ले ने किया जब उसने अपनी सेनायें किराए पर भारतीय राजाओं को दी। क्लाइव के समय से यह प्रणाली सभी गर्वनरों ने अपनाई लेकिन वेलेजली ने अपने संपर्क में आने वाले सभी देशी राजाआें के संबंधाों में उसका प्रयोग किया। इसके निम्न प्रावधाान थे:-

 देशी नरेश कंपनी की अनुमति के बिना किसी अन्य देशी रियासतों से यु) या समझौता नहीं करेगा।

 वह बिना कंपनी की आज्ञा के अंग्रेजों के अतिरिक्त किसी अन्य यूरोपियन को नौकरी में नहीं रखेगा।

 देशी नरेश की रक्षा के लिये कंपनी के अधीन एक सेना रखी जायेगी जिसका व्यय उसको वहन करना पड़ेगा। या उसके व्यय के लिये कंपनी को कुछ भूमि दे दी जाएगी।

 उसे आपने दरबार में एक अंग्रेज रेजीडेन्ट रखना होगा।

 कंपनी देशी नरेश की रक्षा बाह्य तथा आंतरिक श=ुओं से करेगी।

वेलेजली ने इस प्रकार की संधि सन् 1798 में निजाम से, 1799 में मैसूर के हिन्दू राजा से, अवध के नवाब से, बेसीन की संधि पेशवा से तथा द्वितीय आंग्ल-मराठा यु) के बाद सिंधिया से की। 

सहायक संधि का मूल्यांकन

कम्पनी को लाभ:

 सहायक संधि करने वाले राज्य की वैदेशिक नीति कंपनी के अधीन हो गई।

 फ्रांसीसी प्रभाव देशी राजाओं के दरबार से समाप्त होने लगा।

 बिना किसी प्रकार का व्यय वहन किये कंपनी की सैनिक शक्ति कई गुना बढ़ गई। देशी राजाओं की सुरक्षा के लिये रखी गई सेनाओं का वह कंपनी के राज्य विस्तार हेतु प्रयोग करती थीं।

 नेपोलियन बोनापार्ट द्धफ्रांसीसी सम्राटऋ द्वारा उत्पन्न किये जा रहे खतरे की तैयारी भी हो गयी। नेपोलियन का मानना था कि कंपनी साम्राज्य का भारत से अलग किया जाना जरूरी है।

राजाओं को लाभ:

राजाओं को इससे लाभ तो यह हुआ कि उनको न तो अब बाहरी आक्रमणों की चिंता थी और न ही आंतरिक विद्रोहों की। किन्तु इस लाभ के साथ उनको एक बड़ी हानि भी हुई, वे पंगु हो गये, उन्होंने राज्य के प्रशासन की ओर ध्यान देना बंद कर दिया, जिसका परिणाम हुआ कुशासन। कुशासन के आधार पर ही डलहौजी ने अवध के राज्य को कंपनी के राज्य में विलय कर लिया था।

अधीश्वरता तथा अधीन पृथक्करण की नीति (पेरामाउंडसी एण्ड सर्बोडिनेट आइसोलेशन)

सहायक संधि में भी सि)ांततः समता की भावना विद्यमान थी। कंपनी ने कभी खुलकर सर्वोपरिता का दावा नहीं किया। यूरोप में नेपोलियन के पतन के बाद सन् 1813 के बाद हेस्टिंग्ज ने देशी राज्यों के प्रति आक्रामक नीति प्रारंभ कर दी। यह नीति अधीश्वरता तथा अधीन पृथक्करण की नीति कहलाई।

इस नीति के प्रमुख तत्व थे:

देशी राज्यों द्वारा कंपनी को सर्वोच्च शक्ति मानना तथा देशी राज्यों का पूर्णतया कंपनी के अधीन होना, देशी राज्यों द्वारा आपस में बिना कंपनी की अनुमति के कोई समझौता नहीं हो सकता था तथा ब्रिटिश रेजीडेंट के निर्देशानुसार उनको कार्य करना आदि। इस प्रकार की संधियां हेस्टिंग्ज ने सिंधिया, होल्कर, गायकवाड़ आदि से की तथा राजपूताना मध्य भारत तथा गायकवाड़ के राजाओं पर अधीश्वरता स्थापित की गई।

ब्रिटिश सर्वोच्चता का सिद्धांत

इस समय तक नेपोलियन का पतन हो चुका था जिससे फ्रांसीसी खतरा समाप्त हो गया था। वहीं वेलेजली ने भारत में कम्पनी का सैनिक प्रभुत्व स्थापित किया था तथा भारतीय प्रतिद्वंद्वियों को पराजित किया था। दूसरी तरफ़ ब्रिटेन में औद्योगिक क्रांन्ति ने औद्योगिक उत्पादन को बढ़ा दिया था। जिसके लिए एक मुक्त बाजार की आवश्यकता थी। अतः लार्ड हेस्टिग्ंज द्ध1813-23ऋ ने अंग्रेजी राजनैतिक सर्वश्रेष्ठता स्थापित की। इसे ही पारामांउटसी का सि)ांत कहते हैं।

पारामांउटसी नीति के कुछ विशेष तत्व

 देशी राज्य द्वारा कंपनी को सर्वोच्च शक्ति मानना तथा देशी राज्य का पूर्णतया कंपनी के अधीन होना।

 देशी राज्य आपस में बिना कंपनी की अनुमति के कोई समझौता नहीं कर सकते तथा ब्रिटिश रेजिडेंट के निर्देशानुसार कार्य करता था।

 इस प्रकार की संधिा द्धसिंधिाया, होलकर, गायकवाड़, मध्य भारत के राजपूताना आदिऋ ने देसी राजाओं पर ब्रिटिश सर्वोच्चता स्थापित कर दी।

परामाउंसी सि)ांत के तहत सर्वप्रथम हेस्टिंग्स नेपाल से यु) किया तथा सगौली का संधिा द्ध1816ऋ की। इसके तहत कई नये क्षेत्रें द्धगढ़वाल, कुमाऊं, शिमला आदिऋ पर अंग्रेजी सर्वश्रेष्ठता स्थापित हुई। इसी प्रकार मराठों से निर्णायक यु) द्धआंग्ल-मराठा यु) तृतीयऋ ने अंग्रेजी सर्वश्रेष्ठता स्थापित की।

अतः जो व्यक्ति वेलेजली की नीति का आलोचक था उसी ने उसके कार्यों को पूरा किया। जो राज्य कम्पनी की बराबरी करना चाहते थे। वे सब परास्त कर दिए गए तथा भारत में कम्पनी की सर्वश्रेष्ठता पूर्णतया स्थापित हो गया।

व्यपगत का सिद्धांत

 व्ययगत सि)ांत से पूर्ण भारत में तीन प्रकार की रियासतें थीं।

 वे रियासतें जो उच्चतर शक्ति के अधाीन नहीं थी और न ही ‘कर’ देती थी।

 वे रियासतें जो पहले मुगलों एवं मराठों के अधाीन थे तथा अब वे अंग्रेजाें के अधाीनस्थ थी।

 वे रियासतें जो अंग्रेजों ने सनद द्वारा स्थापित या पुनर्जीवित की थीं।

अतः मुगल साम्राज्य के पतन तथा मराठा संघ की हार के पश्चात भारत में 1818 ई- कम्पनी सर्वश्रेष्ठ बन गई थी। अतः डलहौजी ने द्ध1848-56ऋ गवर्नर जनरल बनते ही साम्राज्य विस्तार की दो नीतियां अपनायी यु) और व्यपगत सि)ांत की। यु) नीति के तहत पंजाब एवं लोअर बर्मा का विलय किया। दूसरी तरफ़ व्ययगत सि)ांत के अंतर्गत डलहौजी का मानना था कि प्रथम श्रेणी की मामलों वाले रियासतों में गोद लेेने के मामले में कंपनी को हस्तक्ष्ेाप करने का अधिाकार नहीं है। वहीं दूसरी श्रेणी के रियासतों से गोद लेने की अनुमति कंपनी द्वारा प्राप्त करना आवश्यक था जिसे कंपनी मना भी कर सकती थी। तीसरी श्रेणी के रियासत गोद नहीं ले सकती थे। अतः डलहौजी ने उत्तराधिाकार विहीन रियासतों को ब्रिटिश साम्राज्य में मिला लिया। जिसमें सतारा द्ध1948ऋ, जैतपुर, संभलपुर द्ध1849ऋ, बघाट, उदयपुर, झांसी, नागपुर जैसी रियासतें थी।

वस्तुतः व्यपगत सि)ांत के तहत नहीं आने वाले रियासतों को भी डलहौजी ने ब्रिटिश साम्राज्य में मिला दिया। उसका मानना था कि इन रियासताेंं में प्रशासन ठीक प्रकार से कार्य नहीं कर रहा था। जैसे अवध का विलय।

अतः व्यपगत सि)ांत के तहत ब्रिटिश साम्राजय का विस्तार हुआ और भारत का 2/3 भाग प्रत्यक्ष रूप से ब्रिटिश शासन के अंतर्गत आ गया। वस्तुतः 1757 से कंपनी द्वारा प्रारंभ राजनीतिक सुदृढता 1856 तक पूर्ण हो गई। जिसमें व्यपगत सि)ांत ने साम्राज्य विस्तार में महत्वपूर्ण भूमिका निभाई। लेकिन व्यपगत सि)ांत ने कुछ भारतीय राजाओं को असंतुष्ट कर दिया जिन्हाेंने 1857 की क्रांति में बढ-चढ़ कर हिस्सा लिया था। 

Delhi Sultanate: Tughluq Dynasty

Ghiyath al-Din Tughluq was the founder of the fifth city of Delhi called Tughlaqabad. He was an able military commander. He removed corrupt officials from his administration, reformed the judiciary and all existing police departments. His death however is a mystery. According to the famous Moroccan explorer in history , Ibn Battuta , who was seeking employment at the Tughlaq court, the murder of Ghiyath al-Din Tughluq was conspired by his son, Jauna Khan. Jauna Khan on succession of Delhi, took the title of Muhammad bin Tughlaq.

When Muhammad bin Tughlaq was crowned emperor, his empire included almost the whole of the northern India, with the exception of Kashmir, Cutch and a part of Kathiawar and Orissa. However, the empire started to disintegrate henceforth due to a number of reasons. The shifting of capital from Delhi to Daulatabad back and forth caused a lot of mismanagement and downright chaos. In an attempt to invite some more trouble, the Tughlaqs later introduced copper coins, instead of silver. Since copper coins could be easily forged, the treasuries became clumsy. Feroze Shah Tughlaq, cousin of Muhammad bin Tughlaq upon succession after the latter’s death, tried to restore order within the kingdom. History suggests that he was a great reformer, but lacked martial skills because of which he could never reclaim kingdoms, which were once under the Delhi sultanate. Revival of jagir system and rebellion from Hindus due to forced conversion into Islam added to the misery.

The Tughlaq dynasty received its final blow, when Timur invaded India in 1398. For eight days Delhi was plundered, enough to destroy what little was left of the Tughlaq foundations. It is believed that Delhi didn’t have a ruler for four months, causing a massive breakdown.

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Sultanate of Delhi : Khilji Dynasty

Ala-ud-din Khilji usurped the throne of Delhi from his Uncle Jalal-ud-din Khilji. Considered, the most powerful ruler in the history of Delhi Sultanate, he expanded his province beyond Gujarat, Ranthambore, Mewar, Malwa, Jalore, Warangal, Mabar and Madurai. He took the title of ‘Sikander-i-Sani’ - ‘The Second Alexander. Besides being a famous warmonger, successfully defending Delhi against many Mongol invasions, he was also an able ruler. The nobles were under constant scrutiny, as even their private households were not spared from an efficient network of spies. His free market policy reduced the prices of all essential items needed in daily life.

Ala-ud-din built the first building in the history of India that employed Islamic architecture. This domed gateway was named the Alai - Darwaza and can still be seen near Quwwat-ul-Islam Mosque in the Qutub Complex. The city of Siri built to defend the Delhi sultanate against the Mongols, is also accredited to his name by history. He also desired to build a tower twice the height of the Qutub Minar. Now that would have satisfied the pride of the Second Alexander. However, due to the emperor’s death, the construction was stopped midway.

Ala-ud-din's death was followed by a war of succession amongst his sons. Qutb-ud-din Mubarak Shah Khilji, son of Ala-ud-din and the last Khilji ruler, was murdered by Khusro Khan. Khusro Khan, a Hindu slave captured the throne of Delhi but couldn't hold it for long. Just after four months, he was defeated and killed by Ghiyath al-Din Tughluq, who founded the Tughlaq dynasty in Delhi.

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Delhi Sultanate: Mamluk Dynasty

Year 1192 - Muhammad Ghori had defeated Prithviraj Chauhan and merrily returned back to Afghanistan. He appointed Qutb-ud-din Aibak, a Turkic slave, who later rose through ranks to become a general in Ghori’s army, as his Governor of Delhi.

Muhammad Ghori had no sons. After he was assassinated in 1206, his dominions were divided among his slaves. Qutb-ud-din Aibak became the sultan of Delhi. A lover of art and literature, he started the construction of the Qutub Minar. But due to a fatal accident while playing polo, he couldn't witness its completion.

Aibak’s successor, Iltutmish decided to fulfill his father’s wish and carried out the remaining construction of Qutub Minar. Genghis khan was on the rise during the same time. But Iltutmish was able to establish a cordial diplomatic contact with the Abbasid Caliphate between 1228–29 and had managed to keep India unaffected by the invasions of Genghis Khan and his successors.

After Iltutmish died in 1236, Delhi was at the mercy of a series of weak rulers. Many noblemen declared rebellion, and assumed leadership of their respective provinces. Such was the state until Ghiyas-ud-din Balban came to power, and successfully thwarted external and internal threats to the Sultanate. Balban died at the age of eighty, pretty impressive for those times. However, due to the lack of a suitable heir, the throne eventually passed to three year old Kayumaras. Apparently, it was too much pressure for the young lad, as his guardian, Jalal-ud-din Khilji, ultimately dethroned Kayumaras in 1290. This marked the end of the Mamluk dynasty in Delhi's history.

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Question and Answer Related to Representation of People Act FOR UPSC Mains Exam

Q: What are the important Acts related elections?

The important act related to the elections is as follows,

1. Constitution of India

2. Representation of people’s Act 1950, 1951 with their amendments and rules made under them.

3. Parliament (prevention of disqualification) Act 1959 and

4. Delimitation of council constituencies’ orders.

Q: What are the Overall Salient Features of Representation of People Act

1. Part 21 of Indian constitution mentioned the provisional parliament and the provisional parliament enacted representation of people act 1951, so that general elections could be conducted according to the rules mentioned.

2. The representation of People’s Act contains 13 parts (2 parts added as amendments). Each part is divided into different sections making it a total 171 numbered sections.

3. In the whole document, EXPRESSION was not used in 1951 act but it does have the meaning in Art 43 of 1951 Act.

4. Chief electoral officer is mentioned in Sec 13 A

5. Corrupt practices are mentioned in Section 123

6. ELECTION means an election to fill a seat or seats in either the House of parliament or in the house of legislator of the state other than state of J and K.

Some more Salient features of representation of people act 1951

1. The Lok Sabha seats are to be filled with direct elections and one seat for every constituency and one person for one seat.

2. Election commission can also been conferred the power to determine the constituency to be reserved for SC in the states of Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland and Tripura.

3. President of India can conferred the power to amend orders delaminating constituency, only after consultation the election commission.

4. Each state to have a chief electoral officer nominated or designated by election commission in consolation with the state government. The election commission will also appoint district level election commissioners in consultation with the state government.

5. Each constituency has to have an electoral roll. No person to be registered in electoral rolls of more than one constituency. No person to be registered more than once in any constituency. A person shall b disqualified for registration in an electoral roll if h is either not a citizen of India or is of unsound mind or is disqualified from voting.

6. The electro roll for each constituency has to be prepared in the prescribed manner. Any person whose name is not included in the electoral roll of a constituency many apply to the elector registration officer for the inclusion of his name in that roll.

7. Power to make rules under this act conferred to the central government, which can exercise this power in consolation with election commission. The civil courts have also been barred to the question the legality of any action of electoral registration officer regarding revision of such electoral roll.

Some more Salient features of Representation of people act 1951

This act is deals with the qualification matters, disqualification matters, provision related to political party, and appeal structuring.

Qualification Matters

1. Only electoral can be representative the constituency. If a person is not eligible to vote, so he can’t contest the election in Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha.

2. In case of Lok Sabha, if the seat is reserved for SC, a non SC voter cannot elected to that seat, if the seat is reserved for ST, a non ST voter cannot be elected to that seat. He must be from these categories however; he may be a voter registered from any other constituency within India. However, in case of autonomous districts of Assam, Sikkim, ST seat for Lakshadweep, the electors should be enrolled as a voter in the same constituency.

3. The same criteria are followed in the legislative assembly of the state, barring that the elector should be an eligible voter in the same state.

Disqualification Matters

1. If a person is convicted under a punishable offence related to promoting enmity, bribery, undated influence, or presentation at an election, rape, cruelty towards a women, creating or promoting enmity, hatred or ill will between classes, promoting religious acrimony, practice of untouchability, import and export of prohibited goods, any other unlawful activities, FEMA, laws related to narcotics, terrorism acts, offence related to religious places and religious practices, offences related to insulting the national insignia, constitution of India, offence related to practice of sati and so on… will be disqualified is sent to jail for at least 2 years. This disqualification is for six years after the person is released from jail.

2. The other grounds for disqualification are as follows

a) If found guilty of corrupt practices

b) Dismissed for corruption

c) Disqualified for a contract entered into with government related matters

d) A person remains disqualified as long as he managing agent, manager or secretary of any government company or corruption

e) If fails to lodge expense accounts of elections.

3. Provision related to political parties

a) Every association or body which calls itself a political party shall have to apply to election commission of India for registration. The election commission will register that party after considering all the particulars, relevant factors and after hearing the representative of the party.

b) The election commission decision regarding registration will be final

c) If a political party changes its name or address, it shall communicate the election commissioner as soon as it does so.

d) A registered political party many accept any voluntary contribution by any person or company within India other than a government company. Political party is not allowed to seek and receive contribution from foreign sources.

e) Each political party has to prepare the report related to contribution more than 20000 from persons and companies in year and submit to the election commission.

4. Appealing structure

a) Every elected candidate shall submit the declaration of his assets and liabilities within 90 days from talking oath

b) Every contesting candidate is required to maintain account of election expenses.

c) Election petitions are to be heard in high court and appeal to Supreme Court. High court has to conclude such petition within in six months from the date of petition. High court can intimate its decision to election commission and speaker / chairman. Appeal to Supreme Court can be made within 30 days.

d) The corrupt practices which can lead to cancelling of an election include bribery, undue influence, promotion of enmity, hiring of vehicles to and from polling stations.

e) The often listed in the acts are as follows

i) Promoting enmity

ii) Public meetings within prior 48 hours of polling

iii) Creating disturbances

iv) Restrings on the printing of pamphlets, posters etc

v) Officer acting for a candidate

vi) Canvassing in or near polling stations

vii) Illegal hiring or procuring of conveyance

viii) Breach of official duty

ix) Removal of ballot papers

x) Booth capturing

xi) No liquor sale within 48 hours to the polling to the conclusion of polling

a) In case of enquiry, the EC decision is final and can enforce any action. The election has power to regulate its own procedure

b) For election related works, the following are to be made available to the election commission via every local authority, university, Government Company, any other institutions undertaking under the control of state or central government.

Q: What are the Recent Judgments and why the Representation of people Act 1951 is in news?

The two recent judgments of Supreme Court on electoral laws to cleanse the politics:

Lily Thomas Vs Union of India: ruled that Section 8(4) of the Representation of the People Act (RPA) was ultra virus since it provides a three-month window to legislators to file an appeal against conviction of crimes.

 Why ultra virus? (Court says once convicted, article 101 will come into picture which disqualifies persons according to provisions of article 102).

Ø However art. 102 say person is disqualified according to law made by parliament.

Ø And parliament made RPA according to which person stands disqualified on conviction; so once convicted art.101 will come into picture, thereby nullifying provisions of sec 8(4) – (constitution is supreme to ordinary laws).

Ø But constitutional expert Acharya (former secretary-general of parliament says there’s no immediate disqualification)

Ø Article 101(3)(a) of the constitution which provides that “if a member of either house of parliament- becomes subject to any of the disqualifications mentioned in Article 102 (detailed provisions of the article are mentioned below), his seat shall thereupon become vacant.

Chief Election Commissioner Vs Jan Chaukidar: more controversial ruling as it bars those in police custody or under arrest from contesting elections. The court concluded that section 8(4) of RPA, which defers the date on which the disqualification will take effect, is ultra-virus the constitution because it is inconsistent with articles 101(3)(a) and 190(3)(a). It is important to note that the court didn’t go into the question of whether section 8(4) infringes the equality provision in Article 14.

It is obvious that the second ruling is ripe for misuse. If the view of the Supreme Court it is accepted, then a rival politician need only get a false First Information Report (FIR) filed against his political rival and have him sent to police custody or jail to disqualify him. A large number of criminal cases against politicians, in any case, are of a “political” nature – an outcome of agitation politics, protests, civil disobedience and so on. Even in the past and the present, some of our best law-makers have been part of various civil disobedience and protest movements.

Q: What are Effects of recent Judgments by Supreme Court?

Supreme Court in their recent judgment of Lilly Thomas Vs Union of India ruled that MP/MLA/MLC who is convicted of a crime will b disqualified as an elected representative on the date of conviction. Furthermore, section 8(4) of the representation of people act, which allowed elected representation three months to appeal their convictions, was declared unconstitutionally by the bench of Justice AK Patnaik and Justice S J Mukhopadhaya. In an attempt to overturn this decision, the bill was introduced by Mr. Kapil Sibal in Rajya Sabha with a new amendment i.e. Indian government also filed a review petition in Supreme Court BUT Supreme Court dismissed. On 24th Sep 2013, fodder scam verdict, the government tried to bring the bill into effect as an ordinance. However, Rahall Gandhi, Vice President of Indian national Congress made is opinion of the ordinance clear in a press meeting. It’s complete non sense. It should be torn up and thrown.

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Matatag:  Question and Answer Related to Representation of People Act FOR UPSC Mains Exam

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Religious and fundamentalism. Impact on Human Rights of women

The recent Republican victory in the U.S. Congress and the identifcation of the Republican Party with Christian fundamentalism could further undermine women's right to abortion and the struggle for economic and political equality. The Republican majority in the Congress has already slashed foreign assistance, including funding for family planning. Population control enthusiasts fear that this could lead to U.S. reneging on its funding commitments to the International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD).

The right wing challenge calls for dialogue between feminists and other groups opposed to the fundamentalist agenda. But, given past experience, it is necessary that progressive activists develop careful analyses of the growing conservative challenge without succumbing to the neo-Malthusian agenda. It is important that feminists pay more attention to such issues as the growing worldwide movement against abortion, increasing interference of the Vatican in global policymaking, and the limits of the liberal feminist individual choice approach to reproductive rights.

Vatican Interference

Forming an opportunistic alliance with Islamic states, the Vatican challenged the right to abortion and emphasis on women's reproductive rights in the Action Plan of the ICPD at Cairo. Although the ICPD Program recognizes unsafe abortions as a major health issue, the absence of references to women's right and desire to terminate pregnancies represents a victory for anti-abortion and religious fundamentalist movements and a defeat for the global women's struggle for decriminalizing abortion and reproductive self-determination. This development will only help perpetuate the large numbers of illegal abortions worldwide and maternal suffering and deaths associated with them.

Appropriating the language of leftist, Third World and feminist critics, the Vatican charged family planning programs of western cultural and biological imperialism during the deliberations on the ICPD agenda. The Vatican's interest, however, is not economic or cultural liberation of the Third World, but the restriction of women's reproductive freedom and the augmentation of its own authority.

The Vatican does not have the moral standing to accuse others of cultural or biological imperialism. Since the beginning of European conquest over 500 years ago, the Church has not only practiced cultural imperialism, but has also annihilated people who did not accept its teachings (Kissling, 1994). For the Vatican, as for Islamic fundamentalists, abortion and contraception represent a threat to patriarchal power. Aggressive Christian proselytization and the growth of Christian evangelical movements in Latin America, Africa, Asia and the former USSR pose a serious threat to women's freedom and cultural survival, as well as the evolution of secular, democratic political traditions.

The Vatican's increasingly aggressive role in influencing global policy needs to be seriously questioned. Should the Catholic religion which represents about 980 million baptized Catholics have more say over global policymaking than other religions, especially those that represent larger constituencies? Should the Vatican and the Catholic Church hierarchy of celibate male priests be given power to make decisions over women's sexuality and reproduction at a time when many Catholics themselves favor reproductive choice and practice artificial contraception?

How did the Vatican come to be granted the privilege of a non-member state permanent observer status in the United Nations when its claims to statehood are highly questionable under international law? It is doubtful that the Vatican met established eligibility criteria for obtaining this status in 1964. For the sake of cultural justice, if nothing else, the Vatican's permanent observer status must be revoked (Center for Reproductive Law and Policy, 1994). Women's groups must also speak out against the Vatican's attempts to block its critics, such as Catholics for Free Choice, from attending the upcoming Women's Conference in Beijing.

An Anti-Women Agenda

In seeking to restrict birth control worldwide, the 'pro-life' lobby has been attempting to manipulate Third World feminist critiques of the Malthusian population control establishment. In this regard, it is useful to recall a situation reported from the United Nations Women's Decade Conference in Nairobi in 1985. An international 'pro-life' group known as Protect Life in All Nations (PLAN) forged strong alliances with government delegations from Islamic countries and attempted to coopt Third World women critical of abuses in family planning programs into its campaign to cut off all international reproductive health funding. When PLAN's true identity was discovered, a large group of women from Third World and Western countries at the Nairobi Conference issued a declaration against 'pro-life' threats to women's reproductive freedom (Confidential Statement, 1985).

During the struggle for sterilization reform in the U.S. in the 1970s, a similar situation arose. When liberal feminist organizations which were focused narrowly on abortion and choice refused to join the struggle against sterilization abuse, right wing forces stepped in, appearing to be concerned with women's rights when in fact their real motive was restriction of women's access to contraception.

Third World and women of color feminist critics of Malthusian population control must continue to be cautious of right wing efforts to manipulate feminist language and win our sympathies. This is not always an easy task in the context of increasing efforts by the Malthusian population control establishment itself to coopt gender analysis and feminist concerns for its own purposes. Ultimately, both religious fundamentalists and Malthusian fundamentalists, who attribute all problems to 'overpopulation,' attempt to wrest reproductive decisions and power from women and hand them to external authorities, whether they be patriarchal religious entities or bureaucratic medical hierarchies. They both use sophisticated media and adapt indigenous culture to change consciousness and win converts: contraceptive acceptors in the case of the new-Malthusians and souls in the case of the fundamentalists.

The challenge facing feminist and other progressive forces is to stay clear of both the right wing and neo-Malthusian extremes and to develop alternative analyses of and solutions to women's subordination and the global crisis.

The neo-Malthusian focus on fertility reduction has diverted attention from the fact that everywhere it is women who take care of children and hold families and communities together. But, the lack of recognition given to women's nurturing and caring labor in the ICPD agenda has produced a discourse that equates women's freedom with individual reproductive choice and tends to see 'women's rights' as based on the neglect of the family. As Indian feminist activists, Vandana and Mira Shiva, have explained, the focus on sexual and reproductive rights in the ICPD consensus has been 'disempowering' rather than empowering to Third World women. It has allowed the right wing to appear as the only ones concerned with ' family values' (Shiva and Shiva, 1994).

A broader vision and agenda on reproductive and women's rights must address the increasing violence directed against women globally. In countries where militant fundamentalist movements are strong, the backlash against women has moved far beyond restrictions placed on access to abortion and contraception. Women and social minorities are increasingly the victims of fundamentalist forces fighting in the name of the traditional family and morality and against the sexual permissiveness represented supposedly by adolescent sexuality, homosexuality, non-traditional families, and the AIDS epidemic. Much of the opposition of the religious Right to the ICPD Program of Action came during attempts to address such issues.

In countries such as Algeria many women have been deliberately targeted and assassinated for the 'crimes' of simply working outside the home and not wearing the veil. As the levels of unemployment, insecurity and despair increase around the world, the attempts to restrict women to the traditional wife and mother roles are bound to increase, and violence against women and different ethnic groups is likely to take new forms. But, this violence may not be restricted to the right wing fundamentalist forces. It can also come from more established forces representing scientific and capitalist interests including neo-Malthusianism and neo-conservatism. As in the past, right wing fundamentalism and techno-bureaucratic authorities can collude to produce fascist movements and governments based on eugenic ideologies of gender, race and class superiority and technologies for genetic engineering.

The fear, insecurity and anomie inherent in the modern materialistic, technological world make right wing fundamentalism with its promise of security, stability and sense of belonging attractive to many people.

The world needs a strong moral and spiritual basis if in fact the excesses and insecurity associated with the current western consumerist model of social development is to be transcended and the global crisis is to be resolved (Bandarage, 1991). But, that ethical and spiritual basis cannot come from the patriarchal ideology of the Catholic Church or the violent tactics of religious fundamentalism. A new global ethic and spirituality that are based on universal rights and social justice must replace the patriarchal morality and fundamentalism of both conservative religions and the population control establishment.

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Women Education: Its Meaning and Importance

There’s an African proverb which goes “If you educate a man you educate an individual but if you educate a woman you educate an entire nation” and this is the single most important thing that our country needs to understand at this moment. In 2015 3.7 million eligible girls were out of school and in rural areas girls receive an average of fewer than four years of education. In a country where 21.9% of the population is below its official poverty limit, it does not come as a surprise that poverty is the major obstacle that limits education for girls.

But poverty is not the only thing that is disrupting the fundamental right of education amongst Indian girls there are many more contributing factors such as the distance of schools from the corresponding villages, lack of sanitation facilities in schools, shortage of female teachers, gender bias in curriculum, absence of support from their respective families and this list is never ending. There’s a common belief among rural households that girls should stop schooling after reaching puberty because more often than not they are teased by boys throughout the long walk from their home to school. India has the highest number of child brides in Asia and inevitably there is this dogma surrounding young girls that educating them is a waste of time and money as they are born only to be married off and manage the household. In rural households and especially amongst the poor, the girl child is a valuable resource for housework and in the fields, an additional hand that cannot be wasted away through an education with almost invisible gains and far too heavy a price that most rural and poor families cannot afford to pay.

As a result, a large gender gap emerges which was highlighted in the 2011 census that showed the male literacy rate to be 82.14% while for females it lags behind at 65.46%. Although getting the girl child to enrol in primary schools seems to be most problematic, once enrolled, girl children are more likely to continue their primary education. At the secondary level of education, girls tend to drop out more than boys, again posing a challenge to retain the girl child for secondary education. In our so-called ‘modern India’, estimates show that for every 100 girls in rural India only a single one reaches class 12 and almost 40% of girls leave school even before reaching the fifth standard and more than 15% children in schools can’t read a simple story in Hindi, our national language.

The differences between the positions of men and women in the society will not lessen; leave alone disappear, as long as there are differences between the education levels of men and women. We must realize that going to school is one thing, on the other hand, the quality of education that one gets is another. Within government schools- overcrowded classrooms, absent teacher, unsanitary conditions are common complaints and can cause parents to decide that it is not worth their child going to school. A 2010 report conducted by the National Council for Teacher Education estimated that an additional 1.2 million teachers were needed to fulfil the RTE act requirements and merely 5 % of government schools complied with all the basic standards and infrastructure set by the act. Moreover40% of classrooms had more than 30 students and over 60% didn’t have any electricity and over 21% of the teachers were not professionally trained. Although much work has been done to improve the state of education in India, we are still a long way off from attaining standards comparable even to other developing nations.

India is ranked 105 amongst 128 countries in its Education for All Development Index. There is much work to be done to enhance education in India; particular attention is warranted to women’s access to education. An attempt has to be made to remove the social, psychological and structural barriers, for the participation of the majority of women in education. Even though the Government and various voluntary organisations are engaged in several attempts to sensitise the local population to the need for women education, unless parents of the girl child see value and merit in sending the girl child to school, they will resist doing so and instead prefer to use her help in household chores or agricultural activities. It is absolutely vital that we incorporate the belief among women that they must stand on their two feet and the only feasible way to achieve this is through education and its proper utilisation. One way to make the families more interested is by making the school come to them rather than sending their girls to school far away from home by implementing more mobile schools across rural India.

But most importantly we need to encourage women entrepreneurs and emerging leaders such as one of our own Anjali whose incredible courage is an inspiration. Anjali is 16 but she stopped going to school because she faced sexual harassment almost every day as she walked to school and back. She was frightened but she never lost hope and now she is one of our most diligent members in our Sanjay camp and works tirelessly to organise community meetings in order to help others like her. She is back in school now and is an exemplary role model for all.